Blog posts on the Extreme Right

The Extreme Right (or Radical Right, New Right, Populist Right) is one of my main research interests. Here is a collection of blog posts on the Extreme Right (i.e. parties, voters, policies) that I have written over the years. If this is relevant for you, you might also be interested in the 900+ titles bibliography on the Extreme Right that I maintain and in this page, which summarises much of my work on the Extreme Right.

Nov 292019
 
A vast majority of Germans sees the AfD as a right-wing extremist party

For the radical right in Europe, Alternative for Germany is an increasingly unusual case

In a recent paper published in JCMS, I argue that unlike other German far-right parties, the “Alternative for Germany party” (AfD) managed to avoid being associated with Nazism. The strong presence of establishment figures that previously were (or could have been) members of centre-right parties acted as what Elisabeth Ivarsflaten has once called a “reputational shield“. Without such a shield, a party will be branded “fringe” or extremist, and many voters will be reluctant to support it. Also, such parties will find it difficult to recruit competent and presentable would-be politicians – an argument that David Art makes and illustrates in his fabulous study of radical right party activists.

In the JCMS paper, I also look at the trajectory of the Alternative for Germany. The AfD started out as a socially conservative/market radical “professors’ party”, then, within just two years, developed into a (mostly) bog-standard Western European radical right party. What sets the “Alternative” apart from similar parties in Western Europe, however, is its desperate flirt with traditional German right-wing extremism.

Back to the future?

The Front National (now the Rassemblement) recently expelled its founder and long-time leader Jean-Marie Le Pen because the old man would not stop talking about the Holocaust. The Sweden Democrats gave up the uniforms, then had a real purge of the old guard. Other parties like the PVV never had any connection to the old inter-war Extreme Right. And this looked like the way forward for the last couple of decades or so.

In the AfD, regional leader Björn Höcke can publicly trot out racist tropesattack the culture of remembrance and use rhetoric and ideas straight from the 1930s playbook without getting as much as a slap on the wrist. Regional leader Andreas Kalbitz was a member of various right-wing extremist groups and the former “Republican” party. Kalbitz also attended a Greek Neo-Nazi rally in Athens and a festival for Fascists and Neo-Nazis in Belgium. Not a problem. National leader Alexander Gauland, who infamously called the rule of the Nazis “a spot of bird shit” in an otherwise glorious history, thinks that Höcke is “right in the middle” of the party, and that Kalbitz is a “good man”.

 

80 per cent of Germans are suspicious of the AfD

In the JCMS paper, I suggest that this trajectory, which is fueled by electoral successes in the East and intra-party outbidding for the most outrageous positions, could not just bring legal problems (the offices for the protection of the constitution seem to be set to heighten their scrutiny of the AfD) but also undermine its electoral appeal in the medium term. Lo and behold: in a (very rare) instance of not being completely out of touch with reality, I may have gauged the public mood just right. Today’s Politbarometer poll asked citizens how far right-wing extremist ideas have spread within the AfD. A cool 41 per cent said “far”, and further 39 per cent said “very far”. For comparison, 15 per cent thought these ideas have spread “not very far”, and just two (two!) per cent said that right-wing extremism within the party did not exist. In other words: 80 per cent see Alternative for Germany as a right-wing extremist party.

80 per cent believe right-wing extremists are have spread far or very far within the Alternative for Germany

This dovetails neatly with slightly older polls which show that notwithstanding its national electoral support of 10 to 15 per cent, the AfD is by far the least popular party in Germany. About 80 per cent of voters would never consider voting for them. So far, the main result of the AfD’s ongoing radicalisation is not a collapse of its support, but rather a segmentation of the German party system. If you want to see the future of Germany, look to Flanders (minus the excellent fatty food, the quirky beers, and, well minus Belgium).

Nov 192019
 
First names of 90 authors whose titles were added to the bibliography

Depending on your point of view, autumn is late this year. Or Christmas comes early. Either way, here is the winter 2019 edition of the Eclectic, Erratic Bibliography on the Extreme Right in Western Europe. And this is what you will want to know 👉

How much is new in the bibliography?

Since March, I have collected a modest 53 new titles (which is actually one title more than last time around). Of these, 51 are articles, and just 2 are books. I obviously skimped on the chapters. On the other hand, I went a bit wild with pieces from French Politics this time because someone pointed me towards a whole host of older articles that I had not been aware of. The rest are basically the usual suspects plus a lot of one-hit wonders (Kyklos!?!).

Journaln
French Politics14
Research & Politics4
Electoral Studies3
Party Politics3
West European Politics3
American Political Science Review2
European Journal of Political Research2
European Sociological Review2
Acta Politica1
American Journal of Political Science1
Economic Policy1
European Political Science Review1
Frontiers in Psychology1
International Journal of Public Opinion Research1
Journal of Common Market Studies1
Journal of Political Ideologies1
Journal of the European Economic Association1
Kyklos1
Mass Communication and Society1
Media and Communication1
Nations and Nationalism1
Political Psychology1
Political Studies1
Representation1
The British Journal of Sociology1
World Political Science1

The French Politics tip-off explains the relatively large number of older articles. But the majority of the new additions (41) were published in the last couple of years. Here is yet another lengthy table:

.

Publication yearn
201925
20178
20188
20155
20142
20031
20081
20091
20121
20161

Even with this massive intake of older articles, more than half of all the titles in the bibliography were published within the last decade.

Items in the full bibliography by decade of publication

Items in the full bibliography by decade of publication

To put this into perspective, the bibliography began its life as the reference section of a book that came out in 2008. Thank you all for publishing and pointing me towards new research.

What about gender equality?

The publications were written by 90 distinct authors. I extracted the given names and send them through R’s gender package, using the SSA algorithm that uses name data from the US Social Security Administration. This is a bit hit and miss, so I had to fill in some NAs and to correct some well known false positives (Andrea Pirro, Jocelyn Evans etc.). The end result is appalling: there are just 17 women amongst the authors that I have added, or 19 per cent.

A wordcloud of first names is quite instructive:

First names of 90 authors whose titles were added to the bibliography

First names of 90 authors whose titles were added to the bibliography

Michael rules. I, we, you need to do better.

What are the writing about?

Everybody loves a word cloud, so here is one more that I made of the new titles’ titles:

Wordcloud of 53 new titles in the extreme right bibliography

Wordcloud of 53 new titles in the bibliography

There are few surprises here. The massive injection of articles published in French Politics shows in Marine Le Pen’s name (its constituent parts artfully distributed across the cloud), the (old) name of her party, and in words like “french” (d’oh!) and “presidential”. “Germany” also shows up quite often, reflecting the rise of the AfD.

More interesting is perhaps the use of “analysis”, “study”, “explaining”, and “evidence”: authors seem to feel the need to convince their readers. “Extreme” and “radical/radicalism” are old friends. External factors like “economic”, “contextual”, neighbourhood, and “immigration” also feature prominently.

Personally, I think that the “populism” part of the ongoing radical right saga is a lot less interesting than the nativist and authoritarian parts. But unsurprisingly, “populist” and “populism” are obviously important.

Where can I get all this stuff?

You can download bibliographical data for the new titles here (as BibTeX, which almost every program on the planet should be able to import). Or have a look at the end of this post for a nicely formatted list.

So: what’s next?

Honestly, I don’t know. I fully intend to update the bibliography once the sun returns, but when this happens and what will be in the next version is up to you: submit that paper, point me to that book, and remember (and help me to remember) that Women Also Know Stuff.

Coda: the goods

  • Aarøe, Lene, Michael Bang Petersen, and Kevin Arceneaux. “The Behavioral Immune System Shapes Political Intuitions: Why and How Individual Differences in Disgust Sensitivity Underlie Opposition to Immigration.” 111.2 (2017): 277-294. doi:10.1017/S0003055416000770
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ aaroe-petersen-arceneaux-2017,
    author  = {Aarøe, Lene and Petersen, Michael Bang and Arceneaux,
    Kevin},
    title = {The Behavioral Immune System Shapes Political Intuitions:
    Why and How Individual Differences in Disgust Sensitivity
    Underlie Opposition to Immigration},
    journaltitle  = {American Political Science Review},
    year = 2017,
    volume  = 111,
    number  = 2,
    pages = {277-294},
    doi = {10.1017/S0003055416000770}
    }

  • Allen, Trevor J.. “Exit To the Right? Comparing Far Right Voters and Abstainers in Western Europe.” Electoral Studies 50 (2017): 103-115. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2017.09.012
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ allen-2017b,
    author  = {Trevor J. Allen},
    title = {Exit To the Right? Comparing Far Right Voters and
    Abstainers in Western Europe},
    journal  = {Electoral Studies},
    year = 2017,
    volume  = 50,
    pages = {103-115},
    doi = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2017.09.012}
    }

  • Arzheimer, Kai. “Don’t mention the war! How populist right-wing radicalism became (almost) normal in Germany.” Journal of Common Market Studies (2019). doi:10.1111/jcms.12920
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ arzheimer-2019c,
    author  = {Arzheimer, Kai},
    title = {Don't mention the war! How populist right-wing radicalism
    became (almost) normal in Germany},
    journal  = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
    year = 2019,
    doi = {10.1111/jcms.12920}
    }

  • Arzheimer, Kai and Carl Berning. “How the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and their voters veered to the radical right, 2013-2017.” Electoral Studies (2019): forthcoming. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2019.04.004
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ arzheimer-berning-2019,
    author  = {Arzheimer, Kai and Berning, Carl},
    title = {How the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and their voters
    veered to the radical right, 2013-2017},
    journal  = {Electoral Studies},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {forthcoming},
    doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2019.04.004}
    }

  • Bastow, Steve. “The Front National Under Marine Le Pen: a Mainstream Political Party?.” 16.1 (2018): 19-37. doi:10.1057/s41253-017-0052-7
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ bastow-2018,
    author  = {Steve Bastow},
    title = {The Front National Under Marine Le Pen: a Mainstream
    Political Party?},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2018,
    volume  = 16,
    number  = 1,
    pages = {19-37},
    doi = {10.1057/s41253-017-0052-7}
    }

  • Bergman, Matthew E.. “Insights from the Quantification of the Study of Populism.” Representation 55.1 (2019): 21–30. doi:10.1080/00344893.2019.1572647
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ bergman-2019,
    author  = {Matthew E. Bergman},
    title = {Insights from the Quantification of the Study of
    Populism},
    journal  = {Representation},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 55,
    number  = 1,
    pages = {21--30},
    publisher  = {Routledge},
    doi = {10.1080/00344893.2019.1572647}
    }

  • Bergman, Matthew E. and Henry Flatt. “Issue Diversification: Which Niche Parties Can Succeed Electorally by Broadening Their Agenda?.” Political Studies (2019): online first. doi:10.1177/0032321719865538
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ bergman-flatt-2019,
    author  = {Matthew E Bergman and Henry Flatt},
    title = {Issue Diversification: Which Niche Parties Can Succeed
    Electorally by Broadening Their Agenda?},
    journal  = {Political Studies},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1177/0032321719865538}
    }

  • Bischof, Daniel and Markus Wagner. “Do Voters Polarize When Radical Parties Enter Parliament?.” American Journal of Political Science 63.4 (2019): 888-904. doi:10.1111/ajps.12449
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ bischof-wagner-2019,
    author  = {Bischof, Daniel and Wagner, Markus},
    title = {Do Voters Polarize When Radical Parties Enter
    Parliament?},
    journal  = {American Journal of Political Science},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 63,
    number  = 4,
    pages = {888-904},
    doi = {10.1111/ajps.12449}
    }

  • Brouard, Sylvain and Martial Foucault. “Forecasting the Rise of the Front National During the 2014 Municipal Elections.” 12.4 (2014): 338-347. doi:10.1057/fp.2014.19
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ brouard-foucault-2014,
    author  = {Sylvain Brouard and Martial Foucault},
    title = {Forecasting the Rise of the Front National During the 2014
    Municipal Elections},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2014,
    volume  = 12,
    number  = 4,
    pages = {338-347},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2014.19}
    }

  • Burgoon, Brian, Sam van Noort, Matthijs Rooduijn, and Geoffrey Underhill. “Positional Deprivation and Support for Radical Right and Radical Left Parties.” Economic Policy 34.97 (2018): 49-93. doi:10.1093/epolic/eiy017
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ burgoon-noort-rooduijn-underhill-2018,
    author  = {Brian Burgoon and Sam van Noort and Matthijs Rooduijn and
    Geoffrey Underhill},
    title = {Positional Deprivation and Support for Radical Right and
    Radical Left Parties},
    journal  = {Economic Policy},
    year = 2018,
    volume  = 34,
    number  = 97,
    pages = {49-93},
    doi = {10.1093/epolic/eiy017}
    }

  • Buzogány, Aron. “Civic engagement, political participation and the radical right in Central and Eastern Europe.” Party Politics (2019): online first. doi:10.1177/1354068819863630
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ buzogany-2019,
    author  = {Aron Buzogány},
    title = {Civic engagement, political participation and the radical
    right in Central and Eastern Europe},
    journal  = {Party Politics},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1177/1354068819863630}
    }

  • Campus, Donatella. “Marine Le Pen’s Peopolisation: an Asset for Leadership Image-Building?.” 15.2 (2017): 147-165. doi:10.1057/s41253-017-0026-9
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ campus-2017,
    author  = {Donatella Campus},
    title = {Marine Le Pen's Peopolisation: an Asset for Leadership
    Image-Building?},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2017,
    volume  = 15,
    number  = 2,
    pages = {147-165},
    doi = {10.1057/s41253-017-0026-9}
    }

  • Caramani, Daniele and Luca Manucci. “National past and populism: the re-elaboration of fascism and its impact on right-wing populism in Western Europe.” West European Politics (2019): online first. doi:10.1080/01402382.2019.1596690
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ caramani-manucci-2019,
    author  = {Daniele Caramani and Luca Manucci},
    title = {National past and populism: the re-elaboration of fascism
    and its impact on right-wing populism in Western Europe},
    journal  = {West European Politics},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1080/01402382.2019.1596690}
    }

  • Carter, Elisabeth. “Right-Wing Extremism/Radicalism. Reconstructing the Concept.” Journal of Political Ideologies 23.2 (2018): 157-182. doi:10.1080/13569317.2018.1451227
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ carter-2018,
    author  = {Elisabeth Carter},
    title = {Right-Wing Extremism/Radicalism. Reconstructing the
    Concept},
    journal  = {Journal of Political Ideologies},
    year = 2018,
    volume  = 23,
    number  = 2,
    pages = {157-182},
    doi = {10.1080/13569317.2018.1451227}
    }

  • Daenekindt, Stijn, Willem de Koster, and Jeroen van der Waal. “How people organise cultural attitudes: cultural belief systems and the populist radical right.” West European Politics 40.4 (2017): 791-811. doi:10.1080/01402382.2016.1271970
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ daenekindt-koster-waal-2017,
    author  = {Stijn Daenekindt and Willem de Koster and Jeroen van der
    Waal},
    title = {How people organise cultural attitudes: cultural belief
    systems and the populist radical right},
    journal  = {West European Politics},
    year = 2017,
    volume  = 40,
    number  = 4,
    pages = {791-811},
    doi = {10.1080/01402382.2016.1271970}
    }

  • David, Quentin, Jean-Benoit Pilet, and Gilles Van Hamme. “Scale Matters in Contextual Analysis of Extreme Right Voting and Political Attitudes.” Kyklos 71.4 (2018): 509-536. doi:10.1111/kykl.12183
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ david-pilet-van-hamme-2018,
    author  = {David, Quentin and Pilet, Jean-Benoit and Van Hamme,
    Gilles},
    title = {Scale Matters in Contextual Analysis of Extreme Right
    Voting and Political Attitudes},
    journal  = {Kyklos},
    year = 2018,
    volume  = 71,
    number  = 4,
    pages = {509-536},
    doi = {10.1111/kykl.12183}
    }

  • Dennison, James. “How Issue Salience Explains the Rise of the Populist Right in Western Europe.” International Journal of Public Opinion Research (2019): online first. doi:10.1093/ijpor/edz022
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ dennison-2019,
    author  = {Dennison, James},
    title = {{How Issue Salience Explains the Rise of the Populist
    Right in Western Europe}},
    journal  = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1093/ijpor/edz022}
    }

  • Dumitrescu, Delia. “Up, Close and Personal: the New Front National Visual Strategy Under Marine Le Pen.” 15.1 (2017): 1-26. doi:10.1057/s41253-016-0012-7
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ dumitrescu-2017,
    author  = {Delia Dumitrescu},
    title = {Up, Close and Personal: the New Front National Visual
    Strategy Under Marine Le Pen},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2017,
    volume  = 15,
    number  = 1,
    pages = {1-26},
    doi = {10.1057/s41253-016-0012-7}
    }

  • Evans, Jocelyn and Gilles Ivaldi. “Forecasting the Extreme Right Vote in France (1984-2007).” 6.2 (2008): 137-151. doi:10.1057/fp.2008.1
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ evans-ivaldi-2008,
    author  = {Jocelyn Evans and Gilles Ivaldi},
    title = {Forecasting the Extreme Right Vote in France (1984-2007)},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2008,
    volume  = 6,
    number  = 2,
    pages = {137-151},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2008.1}
    }

  • Evans, Jocelyn and Gilles Ivaldi. “Forecasting the Extreme-Right Vote At the 2012 Presidential Election: Evaluating Our Model.” 10.4 (2012): 378-382. doi:10.1057/fp.2012.17
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ evans-ivaldi-2012,
    author  = {Jocelyn Evans and Gilles Ivaldi},
    title = {Forecasting the Extreme-Right Vote At the 2012
    Presidential Election: Evaluating Our Model},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2012,
    volume  = 10,
    number  = 4,
    pages = {378-382},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2012.17}
    }

  • Ferrín, Mónica, Moreno Mancosu, and Teresa M. Cappiali. “Terrorist Attacks and Europeans’ Attitudes Towards Immigrants: An Experimental Approach.” European Journal of Political Research (2019): online first. doi:10.1111/1475-6765.12362
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ ferrin-mancosu-cappiali-2019,
    author  = {Ferrín, Mónica and Mancosu, Moreno and Cappiali, Teresa
    M.},
    title = {Terrorist Attacks and Europeans' Attitudes Towards
    Immigrants: An Experimental Approach},
    journal  = {European Journal of Political Research},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12362}
    }

  • Gidron, Noam and Peter A. Hall. “The politics of social status: economic and cultural roots of the populist right.” The British Journal of Sociology 68.S1 (2017): S57-S84. doi:10.1111/1468-4446.12319
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ gidron-hall-2017,
    author  = {Gidron, Noam and Hall, Peter A.},
    title = {The politics of social status: economic and cultural roots
    of the populist right},
    journal  = {The British Journal of Sociology},
    year = 2017,
    volume  = 68,
    number  = {S1},
    pages = {S57-S84},
    doi = {10.1111/1468-4446.12319}
    }

  • Gingrich, Jane. “Did State Responses to Automation Matter for Voters?.” Research & Politics 6.1 (2019). doi:10.1177/2053168019832745
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ gingrich-2019,
    author  = {Jane Gingrich},
    title = {Did State Responses to Automation Matter for Voters?},
    journal  = {Research \& Politics},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 6,
    number  = 1,
    doi = {10.1177/2053168019832745}
    }

  • Halla, Martin, Alexander F. Wagner, and Josef Zweimüller. “Immigration and Voting for the Far Right.” Journal of the European Economic Association 15.6 (2017): 1341-1385. doi:10.1093/jeea/jvx003
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ halla-wagner-zweimueller-2017,
    author  = {Martin Halla and Alexander F. Wagner and Josef
    Zweimüller},
    title = {Immigration and Voting for the Far Right},
    journal  = {Journal of the European Economic Association},
    year = 2017,
    volume  = 15,
    number  = 6,
    pages = {1341-1385},
    doi = {10.1093/jeea/jvx003}
    }

  • Hameleers, Michael. “Putting Our Own People First: The Content and Effects of Online Right-wing Populist Discourse Surrounding the European Refugee Crisis.” Mass Communication and Society (2019): online first. doi:10.1080/15205436.2019.1655768
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ hameleers-2019,
    author  = {Michael Hameleers},
    title = {Putting Our Own People First: The Content and Effects of
    Online Right-wing Populist Discourse Surrounding the
    European Refugee Crisis},
    journal  = {Mass Communication and Society},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1080/15205436.2019.1655768}
    }

  • Hays, Jude, Junghyun Lim, and Jae-Jae Spoon. “The path from trade to right-wing populism in Europe.” 60 (2019). doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2019.04.002
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ hays-lim-spoon-2019,
    author  = {Jude Hays and Junghyun Lim and Jae-Jae Spoon},
    title = {The path from trade to right-wing populism in Europe},
    journaltitle  = {Electoral Studies},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 60,
    doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2019.04.002}
    }

  • Hobolt, Sara B. and Julian M. Hoerner. “The Mobilising Effect of Political Choice.” European Journal of Political Research (2019): online first. doi:10.1111/1475-6765.12353
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ hobolt-hoerner-2019,
    author  = {Hobolt, Sara B. and Hoerner, Julian M.},
    title = {The Mobilising Effect of Political Choice},
    journal  = {European Journal of Political Research},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12353}
    }

  • Im, Zhen Jie, Nonna Mayer, Bruno Palier, and Jan Rovny. “The \enquotelosers of automation: A Reservoir of Votes for the Radical Right?.” Research & Politics 6.1 (2019). doi:10.1177/2053168018822395
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ im-mayer-palier-rovny-2019,
    author  = {Zhen Jie Im and Nonna Mayer and Bruno Palier and Jan
    Rovny},
    title = {The \enquote{losers of automation}: A Reservoir of Votes
    for the Radical Right?},
    journal  = {Research \& Politics},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 6,
    number  = 1,
    doi = {10.1177/2053168018822395}
    }

  • Ivaldi, Gilles. “Towards the Median Economic Crisis Voter? the New Leftist Economic Agenda of the Front National in France.” 13.4 (2015): 346-369. doi:10.1057/fp.2015.17
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ ivaldi-2015,
    author  = {Gilles Ivaldi},
    title = {Towards the Median Economic Crisis Voter? the New Leftist
    Economic Agenda of the Front National in France},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2015,
    volume  = 13,
    number  = 4,
    pages = {346-369},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2015.17}
    }

  • Janssen, Heleen J., Maarten van Ham, Tom Kleinepier, and Jaap Nieuwenhuis. “A Micro-Scale Approach to Ethnic Minority Concentration in the Residential Environment and Voting for the Radical Right in The Netherlands.” European Sociological Review (2019). doi:10.1093/esr/jcz018
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ janssen-ham-kleinepier-nieuwenhuis-2019,
    author  = {Janssen, Heleen J. and van Ham, Maarten and Kleinepier,
    Tom and Nieuwenhuis, Jaap},
    title = {A Micro-Scale Approach to Ethnic Minority Concentration in
    the Residential Environment and Voting for the Radical
    Right in The Netherlands},
    journal  = {European Sociological Review},
    year = 2019,
    doi = {10.1093/esr/jcz018}
    }

  • Jérôme, Bruno and Véronique Jérôme-Speziari. “A Le Pen Vote Function for the 2002 Presidential Election: a Way To Reduce Uncertainty.” 1.2 (2003): 247-251. doi:10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200036
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ jerome-jerome-speziari-2003,
    author  = {Bruno J{\'e}rôme and V{\'e}ronique J{\'e}rôme-Speziari},
    title = {A Le Pen Vote Function for the 2002 Presidential Election:
    a Way To Reduce Uncertainty},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2003,
    volume  = 1,
    number  = 2,
    pages = {247-251},
    doi = {10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200036}
    }

  • Kurer, Thomas and Bruno Palier. “Shrinking and Shouting: the Political Revolt of the Declining Middle in Times of Employment Polarization.” Research & Politics 6.1 (2019). doi:10.1177/2053168019831164
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ kurer-palier-2019,
    author  = {Thomas Kurer and Bruno Palier},
    title = {Shrinking and Shouting: the Political Revolt of the
    Declining Middle in Times of Employment Polarization},
    journal  = {Research \& Politics},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 6,
    number  = 1,
    doi = {10.1177/2053168019831164}
    }

  • Leidig, Eviane Cheng. “Immigrant, Nationalist and Proud. A Twitter Analysis of Indian Diaspora Supporters for Brexit and Trump.” Media and Communication 7.1 (2019): 77. doi:10.17645/mac.v7i1.1629
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ leidig-2019,
    author  = {Leidig, Eviane Cheng},
    title = {Immigrant, Nationalist and Proud. A Twitter Analysis of
    Indian Diaspora Supporters for Brexit and Trump},
    journal  = {Media and Communication},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 7,
    number  = 1,
    pages = 77,
    doi = {10.17645/mac.v7i1.1629}
    }

  • Mader, Matthias and Harald Schoen. “The European refugee crisis, party competition, and voters’ responses in Germany.” West European Politics 42.1 (2019): 67-90. doi:10.1080/01402382.2018.1490484
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ mader-schoen-2019,
    author  = {Matthias Mader and Harald Schoen},
    title = {The European refugee crisis, party competition, and
    voters’ responses in Germany},
    journal  = {West European Politics},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 42,
    number  = 1,
    pages = {67-90},
    doi = {10.1080/01402382.2018.1490484}
    }

  • Martig, Noemi and Julian Bernauer. “The Halo Effect: Perceptions of Diffuse Threat and SVP Vote Share.” World Political Science 14.1 (2018): 27-54. doi:10.1515/wps-2018-0002
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ martig-bernauer-2018,
    author  = {Noemi Martig and Julian Bernauer},
    title = {The Halo Effect: Perceptions of Diffuse Threat and SVP
    Vote Share},
    journal  = {World Political Science},
    year = 2018,
    volume  = 14,
    number  = 1,
    pages = {27-54},
    doi = {10.1515/wps-2018-0002}
    }

  • Maxwell, Rahsaan. “Cosmopolitan Immigration Attitudes in Large European Cities: Contextual or Compositional Effects?.” American Political Science Review 113.2 (2019): 456-474. doi:10.1017/S0003055418000898
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ maxwell-2019,
    author  = {Maxwell, Rahsaan},
    doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000898},
    journal  = {American Political Science Review},
    number  = {2},
    pages = {456-474},
    title = {Cosmopolitan Immigration Attitudes in Large European
    Cities: Contextual or Compositional Effects?},
    volume  = {113},
    year = {2019}
    }

  • Mermat, Djamel. “‘sympathy for the Devil’? Walking the Tight Rope in the Study of the French National Front (2006-2008).” 7.1 (2009): 56-74. doi:10.1057/fp.2009.1
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ mermat-2009,
    author  = {Djamel Mermat},
    title = {'sympathy for the Devil'? Walking the Tight Rope in the
    Study of the French National Front (2006-2008)},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2009,
    volume  = 7,
    number  = 1,
    pages = {56-74},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2009.1}
    }

  • Mondon, Aurelien. “Populism, the ‘people’ and the Illusion of Democracy – the Front National and Ukip in a Comparative Context.” 13.2 (2015): 141-156. doi:10.1057/fp.2015.6
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ mondon-2015,
    author  = {Aurelien Mondon},
    title = {Populism, the 'people' and the Illusion of Democracy - the
    Front National and Ukip in a Comparative Context},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2015,
    volume  = 13,
    number  = 2,
    pages = {141-156},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2015.6}
    }

  • Patana, Pauliina. “Changes in Local Context and Electoral Support for the Populist Radical Right: Evidence From Finland.” Party Politics (2019): online first. doi:10.1177/1354068818810283
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ patana-2019,
    author  = {Pauliina Patana},
    title = {Changes in Local Context and Electoral Support for the
    Populist Radical Right: Evidence From Finland},
    journal  = {Party Politics},
    year = 2019,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1177/1354068818810283}
    }

  • Pirro, Andrea L. P.. “Ballots and barricades enhanced: far-right ‘movement parties’ and movement-electoral interactions.” Nations and Nationalism 25.3 (2019): 782-802. doi:10.1111/nana.12483
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ pirro-2019,
    author  = {Pirro, Andrea L. P.},
    title = {Ballots and barricades enhanced: far-right ‘movement
    parties’ and movement-electoral interactions},
    journal  = {Nations and Nationalism},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 25,
    number  = 3,
    pages = {782-802},
    doi = {10.1111/nana.12483}
    }

  • Rees, Jonas H., Yann P. M. Rees, Jens H. Hellmann, and Andreas Zick. “Climate of Hate: Similar Correlates of Far Right Electoral Support and Right-Wing Hate Crimes in Germany.” Frontiers in Psychology 10 (2019): online first. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2019.02328
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ rees-rees-hellmann-zick-2019,
    author  = {Rees, Jonas H. and Rees, Yann P. M. and Hellmann, Jens H.
    and Zick, Andreas},
    title = {Climate of Hate: Similar Correlates of Far Right Electoral
    Support and Right-Wing Hate Crimes in Germany},
    journal  = {Frontiers in Psychology},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 10,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2019.02328}
    }

  • Rooduijn, Matthijs. “What Unites the Voter Bases of Populist Parties? Comparing the Electorates of 15 Populist Parties.” European Political Science Review 10.3 (2018): 351-368. doi:10.1017/s1755773917000145
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ rooduijn-2018b,
    author  = {Matthijs Rooduijn},
    title = {What Unites the Voter Bases of Populist Parties? Comparing
    the Electorates of 15 Populist Parties},
    journal  = {European Political Science Review},
    year = 2018,
    volume  = 10,
    number  = 3,
    pages = {351-368},
    doi = {10.1017/s1755773917000145}
    }

  • Savelkoul, Michael, Joran Laméris, and Jochem Tolsma. “Neighbourhood Ethnic Composition and Voting for the Radical Right in The Netherlands. The Role of Perceived Neighbourhood Threat and Interethnic Neighbourhood Contact.” European Sociological Review 33.2 (2017): 209-224. doi:10.1093/esr/jcw055
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ savelkoul-lameris-tolsma-2017,
    author  = {Savelkoul, Michael and Laméris, Joran and Tolsma,
    Jochem},
    title = {Neighbourhood Ethnic Composition and Voting for the
    Radical Right in The Netherlands. The Role of Perceived
    Neighbourhood Threat and Interethnic Neighbourhood
    Contact},
    journal  = {European Sociological Review},
    year = 2017,
    volume  = 33,
    number  = 2,
    pages = {209-224},
    doi = {10.1093/esr/jcw055}
    }

  • Shekhovtsov, Anton. Russia and the Western Far Right. Tango Noir. London, New York: Routledge, 2018.
    [BibTeX]
    @Book{ sechovcov-2018,
    author  = {Shekhovtsov, Anton},
    title = {Russia and the Western Far Right. Tango Noir},
    publisher  = {Routledge},
    year = 2018,
    address  = {London, New York}
    }

  • Shehaj, Albana, Adrian J. Shin, and Ronald Inglehart. “Immigration and Right-Wing Populism: an Origin Story.” (2019). doi:10.1177/1354068819849888
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ shehaj-shin-inglehart-2019,
    author  = {Albana Shehaj and Adrian J Shin and Ronald Inglehart},
    title = {Immigration and Right-Wing Populism: an Origin Story},
    journaltitle  = {Party Politics},
    year = 2019,
    doi = {10.1177/1354068819849888}
    }

  • Shields, James. “The Front National At the Polls: Transformational Elections Or the Status Quo Reaffirmed?.” 13.4 (2015): 415-433. doi:10.1057/fp.2015.15
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ shields-2015,
    author  = {James Shields},
    title = {The Front National At the Polls: Transformational
    Elections Or the Status Quo Reaffirmed?},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2015,
    volume  = 13,
    number  = 4,
    pages = {415-433},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2015.15}
    }

  • Sipma, Take and Marcel Lubbers. “Contextual-Level Unemployment and Support for Radical-Right Parties: a Meta-Analysis.” Acta Politica (2018): online first. doi:10.1057/s41269-018-0120-2
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ sipma-lubbers-2018,
    author  = {Take Sipma and Marcel Lubbers},
    title = {Contextual-Level Unemployment and Support for
    Radical-Right Parties: a Meta-Analysis},
    journal  = {Acta Politica},
    year = 2018,
    pages = {online first},
    doi = {10.1057/s41269-018-0120-2}
    }

  • Stockemer, Daniel. “Who Are the Members of the French National Front? Evidence From Interview Research.” 12.1 (2014): 36-58. doi:10.1057/fp.2014.1
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ stockemer-2014,
    author  = {Daniel Stockemer},
    title = {Who Are the Members of the French National Front? Evidence
    From Interview Research},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2014,
    volume  = 12,
    number  = 1,
    pages = {36-58},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2014.1}
    }

  • Stockemer, Daniel and Abdelkarim Amengay. “The Voters of the Fn Under Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le Pen: Continuity Or Change?.” 13.4 (2015): 370-390. doi:10.1057/fp.2015.16
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ stockemer-amengay-2015,
    author  = {Daniel Stockemer and Abdelkarim Amengay},
    title = {The Voters of the Fn Under Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le
    Pen: Continuity Or Change?},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    year = 2015,
    volume  = 13,
    number  = 4,
    pages = {370-390},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2015.16}
    }

  • Turnbull-Dugarte, Stuart J.. “Explaining the end of Spanish exceptionalism and electoral support for Vox.” Research & Politics 6.2 (2019): 2053168019851680. doi:10.1177/2053168019851680
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ turnbull-dugarte-2019,
    author  = {Stuart J. Turnbull-Dugarte},
    title = {Explaining the end of Spanish exceptionalism and electoral
    support for Vox},
    journal  = {Research \& Politics},
    year = 2019,
    volume  = 6,
    number  = 2,
    pages = 2053168019851680,
    doi = {10.1177/2053168019851680}
    }

  • Zulianello, Mattia. Anti-System Parties. From Parliamentary Breakthrough to Government. Abingdon, New York: Routledge, 2019.
    [BibTeX]
    @Book{ zulianello-2019,
    author  = {Zulianello, Mattia},
    title = {Anti-System Parties. From Parliamentary Breakthrough to
    Government},
    year = 2019,
    publisher  = {Routledge},
    address  = {Abingdon, New York}
    }

  • Mayer, Nonna. “The Closing of the Radical Right Gender Gap in France?.” 13.4 (2015): 391-414. doi:10.1057/fp.2015.18
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ mayer-2015,
    author  = {Nonna Mayer},
    title = {The Closing of the Radical Right Gender Gap in France?},
    journaltitle  = {French Politics},
    volume  = {13},
    number  = {4},
    pages = {391-414},
    year = {2015},
    doi = {10.1057/fp.2015.18}
    }

  • Harell, Allison, Stuart Soroka, and Shanto Iyengar. “Locus of Control and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom.” Political Psychology 38.2 (2016): 245-260. doi:10.1111/pops.12338
    [BibTeX]
    @Article{ harell-soroka-iyengar-2016,
    author  = {Allison Harell and Stuart Soroka and Shanto Iyengar},
    title = {Locus of Control and Anti-Immigrant Sentiment in Canada,
    the United States, and the United Kingdom},
    journal  = {Political Psychology},
    volume  = {38},
    number  = {2},
    pages = {245-260},
    year = {2016},
    doi = {10.1111/pops.12338}
    }

Nov 052019
 

When former leader Frauke Petry left the AfD after the 2017 federal election, she kept her seats in the Bundestag and in Saxony’s regional parliament. These seats were meant to form the base for a new movement/party she quickly set up with friends and family.

The Blue Party is over

Image source: Wikipedia

The “Blue Party” was supposed to become a sort of respectable radical right party: a potential coalition partner for the Christian Democrats and an alternative to the Alternative for Germany that was veering to the right. To put it in github terms: like her predecessor Lucke, whom she had de facto ousted, Petry tried to fork a previous iteration of the original AfD project.

And like Lucke (and Poggenburg), she failed. In the EP 2019 election (where they might have stood a chance because there was no electoral threshold) they could not run because they failed to collect the required number of supporting signatures. In the Saxony (Petry’s home state), they won 0.4 per cent of the vote in the September election. Ten days ago, they won 0.1 per cent in the Thuringia election.

This weekend, the Blues have pulled the plug: they will shut down the party before the end of the year. Petry will continue to sit as an independent until 2021 and plans to end her political career there and then.

The bigger story here is of course that for the first time since the 1960s, the German radical/extreme right is electorally united. The NPD (which had gobbled up the DVU) is in tatters. The AfD breakaways are toast. Everything else are just sects. That is one scary perspective.

Nov 032019
 

For all its (perceived) shortcomings, to me the BBC remains the epitome of all that is good and great about public radio. This is why I always find it exciting, exhilarating and also slightly scary to talk to them.

Yesterday, I had the opportunity to chat with Carolyn Quinn on the PM show about the city of Dresden declaring a “Nazi emergency”. If you can’t get enough of my dulcet voice, you can listen in below for the next 30 days (I’m on from 17:50). Or you can click here for a bootlegged excerpt of the interview that I preserved for eternity (or rather for as long as the lease for my server runs).

Sep 212019
 

The ‘Institut für Staatspolitik’ is a well-known far-right ‘think tank’. Their self-stated meta-political mission is to educate the future nationalist. The long-term objective is to achieve a stealthy transformation of German society. They have been around for a while, and there are books and chapters about them, written by people who study right-wing extremism for a living.

Their head honcho is one Götz Kubitschek, a prominent right-wing publisher who is well connected within the more intellectual sector of the larger right-wing extremist movement. He is an associate of Björn Höcke, who in turn leads the right-most faction within the AfD.

Höcke says that he comes to the Institute to dose up on ‘intellectual sustenance’ (yes, that’s how he rolls). It was at the Institute that Höcke gave a speech in which he claimed that Africans were, quite literally, ‘a different breed’ – one of many statements that, amazingly, did not end his political career.

Alice Weidel is the co-leader of the AfD group in the Bundestag. Weidel used to be one of those legendary ‘economic liberals’. Most of whom left the party in 2015. In this role, she wanted Höcke expelled from the AfD for his outrageous statements as late as 2017.

Now Weidel followed the example of her co-leader Gauland by speaking at the Institute‘s ‘academy’ for future leaders. Rumour has it that Kubitschek brokered an agreement between Höcke and Weidel. In a video that is making the rounds she tells Kubitschek that ‘it feels great’ to be there. Once more, move on: nothing to see here.

Jul 042019
 

Right-wing terrorism in Germany often goes unnoticed. Politicians, state agencies, the media, and the general public grossly underestimate the size of the problem. But after the murder of a centre-right politician, all of the sudden this is a big issue for German and international media. And so I got to talk to the BBC’s Newshour program at length. Tune in!

 

Jun 232019
 

The “Alternative for Germany” began its political life as a softly eurosceptic breakaway from the political mainstream but has changed beyond all recognition. Using a very large dataset covering the full 2013-17 period, Carl Berning and I trace the transformation of the AfD’s electorate, which now fits the somewhat stereotypical radical right template. Read the full article, or watch the highlights in just under 90 seconds.

How the AfD and their voters veered to the Radical Right, 2013-17

Watch this video on YouTube.
May 272019
 

The AfD was founded near Germany’s financial centre of gravity (Frankfort) by members of the old western elites. But early on, the eastern states of Brandenburg, Saxony, and Thuringia became important for the further development of the party. It was here, during the 2014 state election season, that the AfD began to toy (very reluctantly at first) with anti-Muslim sentiment. And the ensuing radicalisation of the AfD was pushed by leaders from these three states (Gauland, Höcke, and Petry).

Lokale Hochburgen (Wahlbezirke) von AfD und Linkspartei, 2017

Lokale Hochburgen (Wahlbezirke) von AfD und Linkspartei, 2017. Click for larger version.

In the process, the south-east of the former GDR has become the AfD’s heartland. When Andre Poggenburg, another hardliner, broke away over the AfD’s alleged compromises (and his personal finances and conduct), he set up a new party for “Mitteldeutschland” – the ill-defined and sometimes ill-reputed part at the south-eastern edge of the country.

In the 2017 federal election, the AfD did extraordinarily well here. Most of the wards in which the AfD is the dominant party can be found in this corner of Germany.

Regional support (district level) for the AfD in the EP 2019 election

Regional AfD support in the EP 2019. Made with this excellent tool created by the electoral commission Click for larger version.

The results of yesterday’s European election are similarly revealing. While their national performance – almost two points below their 2017 national result – must look disappointing from their point of view, they polled up to 33 per cent in some of the south-eastern districts, making them by far the strongest party. And the next round of voting (and government formation) in Brandenburg, Saxony, and Thuringia will be interesting, to say the least. If the cordon sanitaire holds, it could result in truly awkward coalitions. And if it doesn’t, all bets are off.

But quite apart from these more practical consequences, such levels of disparity are quite something to behold.

May 262019
 

Germany – no EP electoral threshold for the last time

There are currently 111 ‘political associations’ registered with Germany’s federal electoral commission. 41 of them (counting the CDU and the CSU separately) are fielding candidates in the upcoming European elections.Why are they doing it? Narcissism aside, this is a national election that is held without an explicit electoral threshold (this is going to change), so even fringe parties have a real chance of winning a seat. Plus (and this is a big plus), if they manage to win at least 0.5 per cent of the vote, they qualify for Germany’s very generous system of public party funding.An even bigger plus is that regular participation in elections turns a mere ‘association’ into a proper party that enjoys a special privilege: it can only be banned by a super-majority in the Constitutional Court.This latter point is particularly relevant for parties at the the far-right of the far-right end of the political spectrum.

Who is more right-wing than the AfD?

There are several parties to the right of the AfD. The most prominent of these parties is the NPD. The Constitutional Court has ruled that their ideology closely resembles that of the original Nazi party but still refused to ban them, essentially because they are electoral irrelevant (they still managed to win a seat in the EP in 2014). In 2014, they garnered 301.139 votes (1%), which was enough to secure them a seat – currently their last one outside of local councils. Their lone MEP is former party leader Udo Voigt, a convicted Holocaust denier and Nazi apologist. I’m not in favour of using terms like “neo-fascist” with abandon. It’s misleading and hence bad science. But the NPD is literally a neo-Nazi party.

And then there is “Der Dritte Weg” (“The Third Way” – sorry, Anthony Giddens) – a party for people who think that the NPD is too modern and wimpish. Many of its ~500 members used to belong to militias that could be dissolved much more easily by the authorities than an organisation recognised as a party. They are a bunch of hyper-traditional right-wing street-fighters.

In terms of electoral support, the Third Way is less than irrelevant. They don’t even exist as a party in the northern states. In the most recent state election down here, they scored a cool 0.1 per cent, and I don’t think they have any candidates in this year’s local elections. But they have managed to draw up a list for the EP 2019. And, more specifically, they managed to put up a number of posters around our commuter rail station.

Right-wing extremist campaign posters from hell

These posters make it wonderfully clear what the Third Way is all about, and so I’ll cap off this year’s election posters from hell series with them. They are truly hellish, but in a different way. Here is the first one:

third way EP 2019 campaign poster - defend Europe's borders

Defend Europe’s borders. That’s a bit boring really

“Defend Europe – close the borders”. This one is a bit of disappointment. First, why defend “Europe”? Sure, there is the blackboard-style font which dropped out of favour in adverts ca 1955, urging as to “vote German”. There are also the oak leaves around the Roman numeral, but they are still in use by German authorities today. The silver-black thingy could be the muzzle of a gun or a surveillance camera or perhaps a modern take on the Volksempfänger radio. But all in all, the message is a bit too 21st century. So let’s move on.

third way EP 2019 campaign poster -national and socialist

What do you get when you add one part nationalism, one part socialism, and one part revolution?

This next first exhibit is much more exciting. We learn that the Third Way is both ‘national’ and ‘socialist’. So national-socialist. It does not get any clearer. And they are also ‘revolutionaries’ – all super obvious references to ‘leftist’ wing of the Nazi movement. Extra points for the hammer/sword combination, which represents the unity of workers and soldiers. It was used, inter alia, by left-leaning Nazis and the Hitler Jugend. Then, in the 1990s, it was adopted by the autonomous neo-Nazi groups (“freie Kameradschaften”) from which the Third Way emerged. Unlike other extreme right symbols, its use is also legal in Germany.

Next is this one:

third way EP 2019 campaign poster - multiculturalism kills

Multi-culturalism makes for really bad design choices

So: multi-culturalism kills. How exactly? Presumably by diluting the pure blood of the in-group. Because apparently, it also leaves bloody hand-prints on freshly painted walls. A very similar poster by the NPD (“immigration kills”) was banned by the authorities for inciting hatred. Presumably, the Third Way got away (hah!) because they were overlooked.

Speaking of reasons for banning, there is this one:

third way EP 2019 campaign poster - prison cell reserved for

“Traitors of the people” – heard that one before?

A picture of a prison cell that it reserved for “traitors of the people” – yet another term that was used by he Nazis to justify violence and murder. I was mildly shocked that they stopped at the German version of “lock her up” and refrained from depicting a gallows.

If you are equally shocked and also confused to who exactly the traitors might be, in a bid to clarify the situation they present a handy list of traitors that need to be stopped:

third way EP 2019 campaign poster - stop the traitors of the people

Who is the enemy? Here is some clarification

The dots refer to the colours usually associated with German parties. And so the CDU/CSU are traitors b/c “asylum flood”, the SPD introduced the “Hartz IV” flexicurity legislation, the Greens are behind “gender madness”, and the Liberals want to unleash capitalism. So they want to put almost anybody in prison. Somewhat surprisingly, the Left and the AfD were not given any attention, perhaps because the colour-in thing became too confusing?

Two questions remain. First, how are these guys legal? The short answer is that banning a party is complicated and risky, and so for the time being, they are kept under observation and members will be prosecuted individually for stuff like breaking the peace. Second, where are your youthful neighbourhood anti-fascists when you need them? I have no answer to that.