Publications

Articles in reviewed journals

• Arzheimer, Kai. “The Links between Basic Human Values and Political Secularism. Evidence from Germany.” European Journal of Political Research 63.1 (2024): 370-382. doi:10.1111/1475-6765.12585
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  Scholarly interest in political secularism is currently growing. Political secularism is not the absence of religious belief, membership, or practice, but the conviction that politics and religion should be kept separate, and that religious arguments should have no standing in political debates. Little is known about the roots of this attitude, particularly outside the US. This is unfortunate, because politically secular attitudes strongly affect citizens’ views on so-called morality policies (e.g. the regulation of abortion, assisted suicide, or experiments with stem-cells) which are often highly controversial. In this research note, I focus on the link between political secularism and basic human values. From Schwartz’s own work and from the extant literatures on religion, secularism, and basic human values, I derive two hypotheses: self-direction should be linked to higher levels and tradition should be linked to lower levels of political secularism. Multivariate analysis of current survey data from Germany, a prototypical “religious-world country”, supports both hypotheses. Crucially, the relationships hold when controlling for three main facets of religion, for region (east vs west), and for socio-demographics. The results show that, net of their well-documented association with religion, basic human values contribute to our understanding of political secularism. More generally, the findings demonstrate once more the impact of basic human values on all areas of political life.

  @Article{arzheimer-2023d,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {The Links between Basic Human Values and Political Secularism.
  Evidence from Germany},
  journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
  pages = {370-382},
  year = 2024,
  volume = {63},
  number = {1},
  abstract = {Scholarly interest in political secularism is currently growing.
  Political secularism is not the absence of religious belief,
  membership, or practice, but the conviction that politics and
  religion should be kept separate, and that religious arguments
  should have no standing in political debates. Little is known about
  the roots of this attitude, particularly outside the US. This is
  unfortunate, because politically secular attitudes strongly affect
  citizens' views on so-called morality policies (e.g. the regulation
  of abortion, assisted suicide, or experiments with stem-cells)
  which are often highly controversial. In this research note, I
  focus on the link between political secularism and basic human
  values. From Schwartz's own work and from the extant literatures on
  religion, secularism, and basic human values, I derive two
  hypotheses: self-direction should be linked to higher levels and
  tradition should be linked to lower levels of political secularism.
  Multivariate analysis of current survey data from Germany, a
  prototypical "religious-world country", supports both hypotheses.
  Crucially, the relationships hold when controlling for three main
  facets of religion, for region (east vs west), and for
  socio-demographics. The results show that, net of their
  well-documented association with religion, basic human values
  contribute to our understanding of political secularism. More
  generally, the findings demonstrate once more the impact of basic
  human values on all areas of political life.},
  data = {https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/Z8VYBK},
  html = {https://ejpr.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1475-6765.12585?af=R},
  pdf = {https://ejpr.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1475-6765.12585},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12585},
  dateadded = {01-03-2023}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Theresa Bernemann. “‘Place’ Does Matter for Populist Radical Right Sentiment, but How? Evidence from Germany.” European Political Science Review 16.2 (2024): 167-186. doi:10.1017/S1755773923000279
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  The notion of ‘place’ has become a central concern in research on the populist radical right (PRR), but scholars seem to have different things in mind when talking about how geography affects individual political attitudes. In our paper, we therefore aim to structure the debate on the impact of place and to understand exactly how place affects PRR attitudes (nativism, right-wing authoritarianism, and populism). Conceptually, we identify four potentially relevant aspects of ‘place’ that underpin much of the current literature: place-related attitudes (localism and resentment), place-specific living conditions, socio-demographic composition, and characteristics unique to a particular place, i.e., its local history and culture. We also discuss how these aspects are related and how they may interact. Empirically, we assess the relative importance of these four aspects of place for PRR sentiment in Germany, a country that is particularly well suited to this type of analysis. Using fine-grained geocoded survey data collected prior to the 2017 election, we find that (1) there is considerable spatial variation and clustering in PRR attitudes, (2) a place’s socio-demographic composition and (3) place resentment account for much of this, while (4) localism has weaker effects. We find (5) no relevant interaction between localism and place resentment, (6) no substantial evidence that mediation through place-related attitudes leads to an underestimation of the other aspects, and (7) no evidence for effects of the unique culture or history of the places we studied. Moreover, (8) location in the former GDR still has a substantial impact, whereas (9) other place-specific conditions (deprivation, demographic decline, migration, rurality) that could be addressed by policy interventions have no or rather weak effects. We conclude that PRR sentiment in ‘places that don’t matter’ results also, though by no means exclusively, from a lack of recognition.

  @Article{arzheimer-bernemann-2023,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Bernemann, Theresa},
  title = {'Place' Does Matter for Populist Radical Right Sentiment, but How?
  Evidence from Germany},
  journal = {European Political Science Review},
  year = 2024,
  volume = {16},
  number = {2},
  pages = {167-186},
  abstract = {The notion of 'place' has become a central concern in research on
  the populist radical right (PRR), but scholars seem to have
  different things in mind when talking about how geography affects
  individual political attitudes. In our paper, we therefore aim to
  structure the debate on the impact of place and to understand
  exactly how place affects PRR attitudes (nativism, right-wing
  authoritarianism, and populism). Conceptually, we identify four
  potentially relevant aspects of 'place' that underpin much of the
  current literature: place-related attitudes (localism and
  resentment), place-specific living conditions, socio-demographic
  composition, and characteristics unique to a particular place,
  i.e., its local history and culture. We also discuss how these
  aspects are related and how they may interact. Empirically, we
  assess the relative importance of these four aspects of place for
  PRR sentiment in Germany, a country that is particularly well
  suited to this type of analysis. Using fine-grained geocoded survey
  data collected prior to the 2017 election, we find that (1) there
  is considerable spatial variation and clustering in PRR attitudes,
  (2) a place's socio-demographic composition and (3) place
  resentment account for much of this, while (4) localism has weaker
  effects. We find (5) no relevant interaction between localism and
  place resentment, (6) no substantial evidence that mediation
  through place-related attitudes leads to an underestimation of the
  other aspects, and (7) no evidence for effects of the unique
  culture or history of the places we studied. Moreover, (8) location
  in the former GDR still has a substantial impact, whereas (9) other
  place-specific conditions (deprivation, demographic decline,
  migration, rurality) that could be addressed by policy
  interventions have no or rather weak effects. We conclude that PRR
  sentiment in 'places that don't matter' results also, though by no
  means exclusively, from a lack of recognition.},
  html = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/place-does-matter-for-populist-radical-right-sentiment-but-how-evidence-from-germany/7C639AAC5F6B1BC2F6324F7D57136827},
  pdf = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/7C639AAC5F6B1BC2F6324F7D57136827/S1755773923000279a.pdf/place-does-matter-for-populist-radical-right-sentiment-but-how-evidence-from-germany.pdf},
  doi = {10.1017/S1755773923000279}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Identification with an anti-system party undermines diffuse political support: The case of Alternative for Germany and trust in the Federal Constitutional Court.” Party Politics online first (2024): 1-13. doi:10.1177/13540688241237493
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  The rise of the far right is increasingly raising the question of whether partisanship can have negative consequences for democracy. While issues such as partisan bias and affective polarization have been extensively researched, little is known about the relationship between identification with anti-system parties and diffuse system support. I address this gap by introducing a novel indicator and utilising the GESIS panel dataset, which tracks the rise of a new party, “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) from 2013, when the party was founded, to 2017, when the AfD, now transformed into a right-wing populist and anti-system party, entered the federal parliament for the first time. Employing a panel fixed effects design, I demonstrate that identification with “Alternative for Germany” reduces trust in the Federal Constitutional Court by a considerable margin. These findings are robust across various alternative specifications, suggesting that the effects of anti-system party identification should not be dismissed.

  @Article{arzheimer-2024,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer},
  title = {Identification with an anti-system party undermines diffuse
  political support: The case of Alternative for Germany and trust in
  the Federal Constitutional Court},
  journal = {Party Politics},
  year = 2024,
  volume = {online first},
  pages = {1-13},
  keywords = {EuroReX, AfD},
  abstract = {The rise of the far right is increasingly raising the question of
  whether partisanship can have negative consequences for democracy.
  While issues such as partisan bias and affective polarization have
  been extensively researched, little is known about the relationship
  between identification with anti-system parties and diffuse system
  support. I address this gap by introducing a novel indicator and
  utilising the GESIS panel dataset, which tracks the rise of a new
  party, "Alternative for Germany" (AfD) from 2013, when the party
  was founded, to 2017, when the AfD, now transformed into a
  right-wing populist and anti-system party, entered the federal
  parliament for the first time. Employing a panel fixed effects
  design, I demonstrate that identification with "Alternative for
  Germany" reduces trust in the Federal Constitutional Court by a
  considerable margin. These findings are robust across various
  alternative specifications, suggesting that the effects of
  anti-system party identification should not be dismissed.},
  doi = {10.1177/13540688241237493},
  pdf = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/identification-anti-system-party-undermines-support-trust-courts/},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/paper-identification-anti-system-party-undermines-support-trust-courts/}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai, Carl Berning, Sarah de Lange, Jerome Dutozia, Jocelyn Evans, Myles Gould, Eelco Harteveld, Nick Hood, Gilles Ivaldi, Paul Norman, Wouter van der Brug, and Tom van der Meer. “How Local Context Affects Populist Radical Right Support: A Cross-National Investigation Into Mediated and Moderated Relationships.” British Journal of Political Science online first (2024): 1-26. doi:10.1017/S0007123424000085
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  Populist radical right (PRR) parties are often more successful in some regions of their countries than in others. However, previous research shows that the relationship between context and PRR support is not straightforward. We develop and test an expanded framework linking local conditions to PRR support through two causal mechanisms. First, we argue economic and cultural contextual factors can influence citizens by fostering a sense of perceived local decline, which in turn predicts both populist and nativist attitudes and, hence, PRR support (mediation). Second, we expect that citizens with fewer resources and stronger local embeddedness are more strongly influenced by the context in which they live (moderation). Combining geocoded survey data with contextual data from four countries (DE, FR, GB and NL), we show that the link between local context and PRR support is indeed mediated and moderated, providing a better understanding of the spatial distribution behind recent PRR success.

  @Article{arzheimer-et-al-2024,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Berning, Carl and de Lange, Sarah and Dutozia,
  Jerome and Evans, Jocelyn and Gould, Myles and Harteveld, Eelco and
  Hood, Nick and Ivaldi, Gilles and Norman, Paul and van der Brug,
  Wouter and van der Meer, Tom},
  title = {How Local Context Affects Populist Radical Right Support: A
  Cross-National Investigation Into Mediated and Moderated
  Relationships},
  journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
  year = 2024,
  pages = {1-26},
  abstract = {Populist radical right (PRR) parties are often more successful in
  some regions of their countries than in others. However, previous
  research shows that the relationship between context and PRR
  support is not straightforward. We develop and test an expanded
  framework linking local conditions to PRR support through two
  causal mechanisms. First, we argue economic and cultural contextual
  factors can influence citizens by fostering a sense of perceived
  local decline, which in turn predicts both populist and nativist
  attitudes and, hence, PRR support (mediation). Second, we expect
  that citizens with fewer resources and stronger local embeddedness
  are more strongly influenced by the context in which they live
  (moderation). Combining geocoded survey data with contextual data
  from four countries (DE, FR, GB and NL), we show that the link
  between local context and PRR support is indeed mediated and
  moderated, providing a better understanding of the spatial
  distribution behind recent PRR success.},
  volume = {online first},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123424000085},
  html = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/british-journal-of-political-science/article/how-local-context-affects-populist-radical-right-support-a-crossnational-investigation-into-mediated-and-moderated-relationships/E4FA77D349517867C8876A79EB80BC24}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai, Theresa Bernemann, and Timo Sprang. “Oppression of Catholics in Prussia Does Not Explain Spatial Differences in Support for the Radical Right in Germany. A Critique of Haffert (2022).” Electoral Studies 89 (2024): 102789. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2024.102789
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  A growing literature links contemporary far-right mobilization to the “legacies” of events in the distant past, but often, the effects are small, and their estimates appear to rely on problematic assumptions. We re-analyse Haffert’s (2022) study, a key example of this strand of research. Haffert claims that historical political oppression of Catholics in Prussia moderates support for the radical right AfD party among Catholics in contemporary Germany. While the argument itself has intellectual merit, we identify some severe limitations in the empirical strategy. Retesting the study’s cross-level interaction hypothesis using more suitable multi-level data and a more appropriate statistical model, we find a modest overall difference in AfD support between formerly Prussian and non-Prussian territories. However, this difference is unrelated to individual Catholic religion or to the contextual presence of Catholics. This contradicts the oppression hypothesis. Our study thus provides another counterpoint to the claim that historical events have strong and long-lasting effects on contemporary support for the radical right. We conclude that simpler explanations for variations in radical right support should be exhausted before resorting to history.

  @Article{arzheimer-bernemann-sprang-2024,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Bernemann, Theresa and Sprang, Timo},
  title = {Oppression of Catholics in Prussia Does Not Explain Spatial
  Differences in Support for the Radical Right in Germany. A Critique
  of Haffert (2022)},
  journal = {Electoral Studies},
  year = 2024,
  volume = 89,
  pages = 102789,
  abstract = {A growing literature links contemporary far-right mobilization to
  the "legacies" of events in the distant past, but often, the
  effects are small, and their estimates appear to rely on
  problematic assumptions. We re-analyse Haffert's (2022) study, a
  key example of this strand of research. Haffert claims that
  historical political oppression of Catholics in Prussia moderates
  support for the radical right AfD party among Catholics in
  contemporary Germany. While the argument itself has intellectual
  merit, we identify some severe limitations in the empirical
  strategy. Retesting the study's cross-level interaction hypothesis
  using more suitable multi-level data and a more appropriate
  statistical model, we find a modest overall difference in AfD
  support between formerly Prussian and non-Prussian territories.
  However, this difference is unrelated to individual Catholic
  religion or to the contextual presence of Catholics. This
  contradicts the oppression hypothesis. Our study thus provides
  another counterpoint to the claim that historical events have
  strong and long-lasting effects on contemporary support for the
  radical right. We conclude that simpler explanations for variations
  in radical right support should be exhausted before resorting to
  history.},
  html = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379424000477},
  pdf = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379424000477/pdfft?md5=8b0c75faf974eb845135c7c1e0f41c14&pid=1-s2.0-S0261379424000477-main.pdf},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2024.102789}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “A short scale for measuring political secularism.” Politics and Religion 15.4 (2022): 827-840. doi:10.1017/S1755048322000104
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  As religiousness is declining across democracies, scientific interest in secular orientations and their political implications is growing. One specific and particularly important aspect of secular attitudes is political secularism. Political secularism is not merely the absence of religiousness, but rather a world view which holds that religious beliefs should play no role in politics. While there are hundreds of survey instruments that measure the strength and content of religiousness, there is no comparable measure that taps into political secularism. In this research note, I briefly review the concept of political secularism and present a cluster of items which target it. Utilising data from four large population representative samples taken in the eastern and western states of Germany, I use Confirmatory Factor Analysis to show that these items form a short but internally consistent scale. This scale also displays convergent and discriminant validity. It may be readily used in future surveys.

  @Article{arzheimer-2022,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {A short scale for measuring political secularism},
  journal = {Politics and Religion},
  year = 2022,
  volume = {15},
  number = {4},
  pages = {827-840},
  abstract = {As religiousness is declining across democracies, scientific
  interest in secular orientations and their political implications
  is growing. One specific and particularly important aspect of
  secular attitudes is political secularism. Political secularism is
  not merely the absence of religiousness, but rather a world view
  which holds that religious beliefs should play no role in politics.
  While there are hundreds of survey instruments that measure the
  strength and content of religiousness, there is no comparable
  measure that taps into political secularism. In this research note,
  I briefly review the concept of political secularism and present a
  cluster of items which target it. Utilising data from four large
  population representative samples taken in the eastern and western
  states of Germany, I use Confirmatory Factor Analysis to show that
  these items form a short but internally consistent scale. This
  scale also displays convergent and discriminant validity. It may be
  readily used in future surveys.},
  dateadded = {22-12-2021},
  doi = {10.1017/S1755048322000104},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/21DBFFEAB1631615697BBC3CC5FD5128/S1755048322000104a.pdf/a-short-scale-for-measuring-political-secularism.pdf},
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/XEKNYW},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/scale-political-secularism},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Secular Citizens, Pious MPs: Why German Attitudes About Genetic Testing Are Much More Permissive Than German Laws.” Political Research Exchange 2.1 (2020). doi:10.1080/2474736X.2020.1765693
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  Germany has lifted its total ban on Preimplantation Genetic Diagnosis (PGD, a form of genetic testing), but the new rules are still much stricter than those in other European countries. Results from a large-scale survey experiment show that the general population holds more permissive views on this bio-ethical question than lawmakers. In a country seen as a paradigm for the “religious world” of morality politics, many citizens even support further liberalisation along the lines of legislation in Belgium and the UK. Induced reflection on the arguments raised in parliament does not change this: arguments in favour of PGD are widely accepted by respondents, whereas many citizens reject the arguments against PGD. Citzens’ and MPs’ respective evaluations are affected strongly by religiosity, whose levels in the population are much lower than in parliament. Widespread secular views are not adequately represented in politics. This does not only concern the regulation of PGD but also other current and future bioethical issues. It is unlikely that this tension can be resolved through electoral politics. These findings have important ramifications not just for practical morality politics in Germany and other “religious world” countries but also for the two worlds framework itself.

  @Article{arzheimer-2020b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Secular Citizens, Pious MPs: Why German Attitudes About Genetic
  Testing Are Much More Permissive Than German Laws},
  html = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/2474736X.2020.1765693},
  journal = {Political Research Exchange},
  url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/2474736X.2020.1765693?needAccess=true},
  year = 2020,
  volume = {2},
  number = {1},
  abstract = {Germany has lifted its total ban on Preimplantation Genetic
  Diagnosis (PGD, a form of genetic testing), but the new rules are
  still much stricter than those in other European countries. Results
  from a large-scale survey experiment show that the general
  population holds more permissive views on this bio-ethical question
  than lawmakers. In a country seen as a paradigm for the "religious
  world" of morality politics, many citizens even support further
  liberalisation along the lines of legislation in Belgium and the
  UK. Induced reflection on the arguments raised in parliament does
  not change this: arguments in favour of PGD are widely accepted by
  respondents, whereas many citizens reject the arguments against
  PGD. Citzens' and MPs' respective evaluations are affected strongly
  by religiosity, whose levels in the population are much lower than
  in parliament. Widespread secular views are not adequately
  represented in politics. This does not only concern the regulation
  of PGD but also other current and future bioethical issues. It is
  unlikely that this tension can be resolved through electoral
  politics. These findings have important ramifications not just for
  practical morality politics in Germany and other "religious world"
  countries but also for the two worlds framework itself.},
  html = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/2474736X.2020.1765693},
  url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/2474736X.2020.1765693?needAccess=true},
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/PY9TBQ},
  doi = {10.1080/2474736X.2020.1765693},
  dateadded = {28-03-2020}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “A partial micro-foundation for the ‘two-worlds’ theory of morality policymaking: Evidence from Germany.” Research & Politics 7.2 (2020). doi:10.1177/2053168020917823
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  The two-worlds framework is currently the most important account of morality policymaking in Europe. For this theory of elite behaviour to be valid, a number of implicit assumptions about political belief systems at the mass level must hold. This contribution spells out these assumptions and tests them within a structural equation modelling framework, using original survey data from Germany, a country that constitutes a crucial case for the two-worlds theory. The results showed that the implicit individual-level preconditions of the two-worlds framework were fulfilled. Political secularism and partisanship were strongly associated. Political secularism also had strong effects on morality policy preferences regarding the preferred regulation of abortion, embryo and stem cell research, and gene therapies, even when controlling for a host of background variables. However, the size of the effects did not vary across politicised and non-politicised issues. This casts some doubt over the ability of partisan actors to unilaterally control the morality policy agenda.

  @Article{arzheimer-2020c,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer},
  title = {A partial micro-foundation for the 'two-worlds' theory of morality
  policymaking: Evidence from Germany},
  journal = {Research \& Politics},
  year = 2020,
  volume = 7,
  number = 2,
  abstract = {The two-worlds framework is currently the most important account of
  morality policymaking in Europe. For this theory of elite behaviour
  to be valid, a number of implicit assumptions about political
  belief systems at the mass level must hold. This contribution
  spells out these assumptions and tests them within a structural
  equation modelling framework, using original survey data from
  Germany, a country that constitutes a crucial case for the
  two-worlds theory. The results showed that the implicit
  individual-level preconditions of the two-worlds framework were
  fulfilled. Political secularism and partisanship were strongly
  associated. Political secularism also had strong effects on
  morality policy preferences regarding the preferred regulation of
  abortion, embryo and stem cell research, and gene therapies, even
  when controlling for a host of background variables. However, the
  size of the effects did not vary across politicised and
  non-politicised issues. This casts some doubt over the ability of
  partisan actors to unilaterally control the morality policy
  agenda.},
  dateadded = {28-03-2020},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/2053168020917823},
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/2MIWPN},
  html = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/2053168020917823},
  keywords = {bioethik},
  doi = {10.1177/2053168020917823}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Carl Berning. “How the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Their Voters Veered to the Radical Right, 2013-2017.” Electoral Studies 60 (2019): online first. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2019.04.004
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Until 2017, Germany was an exception to the success of radical right parties in postwar Europe. We provide new evidence for the transformation of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) to a radical right party drawing upon social media data. Further, we demonstrate that the AfD’s electorate now matches the radical right template of other countries and that its trajectory mirrors the ideological shift of the party. Using data from the 2013 to 2017 series of German Longitudinal Elections Study (GLES) tracking polls, we employ multilevel modeling to test our argument on support for the AfD. We find the AfD’s support now resembles the image of European radical right voters. Specifically, general right-wing views and negative attitudes towards immigration have become the main motivation to vote for the AfD. This, together with the increased salience of immigration and the AfD’s new ideological profile, explains the party’s rise.

  @Article{arzheimer-berning-2019,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Berning, Carl},
  title = {How the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Their Voters Veered to
  the Radical Right, 2013-2017},
  journal = {Electoral Studies},
  year = 2019,
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2019.04.004},
  volume = {60},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/alternative-for-germany-voters},
  url =
  {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/alternative-for-germany-party-voters-transformation.pdf},
  pages = {online first},
  abstract = {Until 2017, Germany was an exception to the success of radical
  right parties in postwar Europe. We provide new evidence for the
  transformation of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) to a radical
  right party drawing upon social media data. Further, we demonstrate
  that the AfD's electorate now matches the radical right template of
  other countries and that its trajectory mirrors the ideological
  shift of the party. Using data from the 2013 to 2017 series of
  German Longitudinal Elections Study (GLES) tracking polls, we
  employ multilevel modeling to test our argument on support for the
  AfD. We find the AfD's support now resembles the image of European
  radical right voters. Specifically, general right-wing views and
  negative attitudes towards immigration have become the main
  motivation to vote for the AfD. This, together with the increased
  salience of immigration and the AfD's new ideological profile,
  explains the party's rise.},
  dateadded = {01-04-2019}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “‘Don’t mention the war!’ How populist right-wing radicalism became (almost) normal in Germany.” Journal of Common Market Studies 57.S1 (2019): 90-102. doi:10.1111/jcms.12920
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  After decades of false dawns, the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) is the first radical right-wing populist party to establish a national presence in Germany. Their rise was possible because they started out as soft-eurosceptic and radicalised only gradually. The presence of the AfD had relatively little impact on public discourses but has thoroughly affected the way German parliaments operate: so far, the cordon sanitaire around the party holds. However, the AfD has considerable blackmailing potential, especially in the eastern states. In the medium run, this will make German politics even more inflexible and inward looking than it already is.

  @Article{arzheimer-2019c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {'Don't mention the war!' How populist right-wing radicalism became
  (almost) normal in Germany},
  journal = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
  year = 2019,
  abstract = {After decades of false dawns, the "Alternative for Germany" (AfD)
  is the first radical right-wing populist party to establish a
  national presence in Germany. Their rise was possible because they
  started out as soft-eurosceptic and radicalised only gradually. The
  presence of the AfD had relatively little impact on public
  discourses but has thoroughly affected the way German parliaments
  operate: so far, the cordon sanitaire around the party holds.
  However, the AfD has considerable blackmailing potential,
  especially in the eastern states. In the medium run, this will make
  German politics even more inflexible and inward looking than it
  already is.},
  volume = {57},
  pages = {90-102},
  number = {S1},
  html =
  {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/right-wing-populism-germany-normalisation},
  dateadded = {27-05-2019},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/afd-normalisation-right-wing-populism-germany.pdf},
  doi = {10.1111/jcms.12920},
  keywords = {EuroReX, AfD}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Another Dog that did not Bark? Less Dealignment and More Partisanship in the 2013 Bundestag Election.” German Politics 26.1 (2017): 49-64. doi:10.1080/09644008.2016.1266481
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  Using new data for the 1977-2012 period, this article shows that dealignment has halted during the last decade amongst older and better educated West German voters, and that party identification is now more widespread than it was in the 1990s in the east. For voters who identified with one of the relevant parties at the time of the 2013 election, their vote choice was more or less a foregone conclusion, as candidates and issues played only a minor role for this group. A detailed analysis of leftist voters shows that supporters of the Greens, the Left, and the SPD have broadly similar preferences but diverging partisan identities. Even amongst western voters of the Left, most respondents claim to be identifiers. This suggests that the fragmentation of the left is entrenched, and that ‘agenda’ policies have triggered a realignment.

  @Article{arzheimer-2017b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Another Dog that did not Bark? Less Dealignment and More
  Partisanship in the 2013 Bundestag Election},
  journal = {German Politics},
  keywords = {gp-e, attitudes-e},
  year = 2017,
  pages = {49-64},
  volume = {26},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/another-dog-that-didnt-bark-partisan-de-alignment-and-voting-in-the-2013-election/},
  number = {1},
  abstract = {Using new data for the 1977-2012 period, this article shows that
  dealignment has halted during the last decade amongst older and
  better educated West German voters, and that party identification
  is now more widespread than it was in the 1990s in the east. For
  voters who identified with one of the relevant parties at the time
  of the 2013 election, their vote choice was more or less a foregone
  conclusion, as candidates and issues played only a minor role for
  this group. A detailed analysis of leftist voters shows that
  supporters of the Greens, the Left, and the SPD have broadly
  similar preferences but diverging partisan identities. Even amongst
  western voters of the Left, most respondents claim to be
  identifiers. This suggests that the fragmentation of the left is
  entrenched, and that ‘agenda’ policies have triggered a
  realignment.},
  doi = {10.1080/09644008.2016.1266481},
  }

• Evans, Jocelyn, Kai Arzheimer, Rosie Campbell, and Philip Cowley. “Candidate Localness and Voter Choice in the 2015 General Election in England.” Political Geography 59 (2017): 61-71. doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2017.02.009
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  Abstract Previous research has demonstrated a significant relationship between the geographical distance from a voter to a candidate and the likelihood of the voter choosing that candidate. However, models of this relationship may be mis- or under-specified, by not taking into account voters’ perceptions of distance or not controlling for other possible factors related to a candidate’s ‘localness’ which may influence vote choice. Using a two-wave panel survey carried out during the 2015 \{UK\} General Election, this article tests a more fully specified alternative-specific multinomial probit model of candidate-voter distance. We show that, although the effect size is smaller than in previous tests, candidate-voter distance mattered in the 2015 General Election, an effect that is robust to controls not only for party support and incumbency, as previous research had demonstrated, but also to measures of voter information, candidate presence and marginality. We also find that contiguity mattered: candidates living in non-neighbouring constituencies have a lower likelihood of vote than those living in neighbouring constituencies or in the constituency itself.

  @Article{evans-et-al-2017,
  author = {Jocelyn Evans and Kai Arzheimer and Rosie Campbell and Philip
  Cowley},
  title = {Candidate Localness and Voter Choice in the 2015 General Election
  in England},
  journal = {Political Geography},
  year = 2017,
  volume = 59,
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/candidate-localness-voting-england/},
  pages = {61-71},
  abstract = {Abstract Previous research has demonstrated a significant
  relationship between the geographical distance from a voter to a
  candidate and the likelihood of the voter choosing that candidate.
  However, models of this relationship may be mis- or
  under-specified, by not taking into account voters' perceptions of
  distance or not controlling for other possible factors related to a
  candidate's 'localness' which may influence vote choice. Using a
  two-wave panel survey carried out during the 2015 \{UK\} General
  Election, this article tests a more fully specified
  alternative-specific multinomial probit model of candidate-voter
  distance. We show that, although the effect size is smaller than in
  previous tests, candidate-voter distance mattered in the 2015
  General Election, an effect that is robust to controls not only for
  party support and incumbency, as previous research had
  demonstrated, but also to measures of voter information, candidate
  presence and marginality. We also find that contiguity mattered:
  candidates living in non-neighbouring constituencies have a lower
  likelihood of vote than those living in neighbouring constituencies
  or in the constituency itself.},
  doi = {10.1016/j.polgeo.2017.02.009},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jocelyn Evans. “Estimating Polling Accuracy in Multi-Party Elections Using Surveybias.” The Stata Journal 16.1 (2016): 139–158.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-evans-2016,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Evans, Jocelyn},
  title = {Estimating Polling Accuracy in Multi-Party Elections Using
  Surveybias},
  journal = {The Stata Journal},
  year = 2016,
  volume = 16,
  number = 1,
  pages = {139--158}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Harald Schoen. “Political Interest Furthers Partisanship in England, Scotland, and Wales.” Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties 26 (2016): 373–389. doi:10.1080/17457289.2016.1179315
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  According to much of the literature, partisanship in Britain exercises little independent influence on the vote but merely reflects voters’ prospective and retrospective evaluations of the parties’ performance with regard to their management of the economy, national security, and public services. In this view, partisanship comes close to Fiorina’s model of a “running tally” of political experiences. Similarly, Dalton’s notion of “cognitive mobilisation” suggests that seeking out political information should undermine both the need for and the likelihood of party identification. Applying Mixed Markov Latent Class Analysis to the BES Panel 1997-2000, we challenge these perceptions by demonstrating that partisanship is more stable than previously thought, and that high levels of political interest are linked to higher levels of partisanship and possible also to higher levels of stability. This is much more in line with classic ideas about party identification than with “revisionist”” critiques of the Michigan model, and with current models of political cognition. Moreover, it suggests that political interest renders affective ties more powerful in stabilizing themselves.

  @Article{arzheimer-schoen-2016,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Schoen, Harald},
  title = {Political Interest Furthers Partisanship in England, Scotland, and
  Wales},
  journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion \& Parties},
  year = 2016,
  pages = {373--389},
  issue = {3},
  volume = {26},
  doi = {10.1080/17457289.2016.1179315},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/political-interest-furthers-partisanship-in-england-scotland-and-wales/},
  abstract = {According to much of the literature, partisanship in Britain
  exercises little independent influence on the vote but merely
  reflects voters' prospective and retrospective evaluations of the
  parties' performance with regard to their management of the
  economy, national security, and public services. In this view,
  partisanship comes close to Fiorina's model of a "running tally" of
  political experiences. Similarly, Dalton's notion of "cognitive
  mobilisation" suggests that seeking out political information
  should undermine both the need for and the likelihood of party
  identification. Applying Mixed Markov Latent Class Analysis to the
  BES Panel 1997-2000, we challenge these perceptions by
  demonstrating that partisanship is more stable than previously
  thought, and that high levels of political interest are linked to
  higher levels of partisanship and possible also to higher levels of
  stability. This is much more in line with classic ideas about party
  identification than with "revisionist"" critiques of the Michigan
  model, and with current models of political cognition. Moreover, it
  suggests that political interest renders affective ties more
  powerful in stabilizing themselves. }
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “The AfD: Finally a Successful Right-Wing Populist Eurosceptic Party for Germany?.” West European Politics 38 (2015): 535–556. doi:10.1080/01402382.2015.1004230
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  Within less than two years of being founded by disgruntled members of the governing CDU, the newly-formed Alternative for Germany (AfD) party has already performed extraordinary well in the 2013 General election, the 2014 EP election, and a string of state elections. Highly unusually by German standards, it campaigned for an end to all efforts to save the Euro and argued for a re-configuration of Germany’s foreign policy. This seems to chime with the recent surge in far right voting in Western Europe, and the AfD was subsequently described as right-wing populist and europhobe. On the basis of the party’s manifesto and of hundreds of statements the party has posted on the internet, this article demonstrates that the AfD does indeed occupy a position at the far-right of the German party system, but it is currently neither populist nor does it belong to the family of Radical Right parties. Moreover, its stance on European Integration is more nuanced than expected and should best be classified as soft eurosceptic.

  @Article{arzheimer-2015,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {The AfD: Finally a Successful Right-Wing Populist Eurosceptic Party
  for Germany?},
  journal = {West European Politics},
  year = 2015,
  volume = 38,
  pages = {535--556},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2015.1004230},
  keywords = {gp-e, cp, eurorex},
  abstract = {Within less than two years of being founded by disgruntled members
  of the governing CDU, the newly-formed Alternative for Germany
  (AfD) party has already performed extraordinary well in the 2013
  General election, the 2014 EP election, and a string of state
  elections. Highly unusually by German standards, it campaigned for
  an end to all efforts to save the Euro and argued for a
  re-configuration of Germany's foreign policy. This seems to chime
  with the recent surge in far right voting in Western Europe, and
  the AfD was subsequently described as right-wing populist and
  europhobe. On the basis of the party's manifesto and of hundreds of
  statements the party has posted on the internet, this article
  demonstrates that the AfD does indeed occupy a position at the
  far-right of the German party system, but it is currently neither
  populist nor does it belong to the family of Radical Right parties.
  Moreover, its stance on European Integration is more nuanced than
  expected and should best be classified as soft eurosceptic. },
  data = {https://hdl.handle.net/10.7910/DVN/28755},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/afd-right-wing-populist-eurosceptic-germany},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/afd-right-wing-populist-eurosceptic-germany.pdf}
  }

• Rossteutscher, Sigrid, Thorsten Faas, and Kai Arzheimer. “Voters and Voting in Multilevel Systems – An Introduction.” German Politics 24.1 (2015): 1–7.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{rossteutscher-faas-arzheimer-2015,
  author = {Rossteutscher, Sigrid and Faas, Thorsten and Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Voters and Voting in Multilevel Systems -- An Introduction},
  journal = {German Politics},
  year = 2015,
  volume = 24,
  keywords = {voting, gp},
  number = 1,
  pages = {1--7}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Strange Bedfellows: The Bundestag’s Free Vote on Pre-Implantation Genetic Diagnosis (PGD) Reveals How Germany’s Restrictive Bioethics Legislation is Shaped by a Christian Democratic/New Left Issue-Coalition.” Research and Politics 2.3 (2015): 1–7. doi:10.1177/2053168015601130
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]

  @Article{arzheimer-2015d,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Strange Bedfellows: The Bundestag's Free Vote on Pre-Implantation Genetic Diagnosis (PGD) Reveals How Germany's Restrictive Bioethics Legislation is Shaped by a Christian Democratic/New Left Issue-Coalition},
  journal = {Research and Politics},
  year = 2015,
  doi = {10.1177/2053168015601130},
  html = {https://rap.sagepub.com/content/2/3/2053168015601130},
  url = {https://rap.sagepub.com/content/2/3/2053168015601130.full.pdf},
  data = {https://hdl.handle.net/10.7910/DVN/KG38OG},
  pages = {1--7},
  number = {3},
  volume = {2}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jocelyn Evans. “A New Multinomial Accuracy Measure for Polling Bias.” Political Analysis 22.1 (2014): 31–44. doi:10.1093/pan/mpt012
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  In this article, we propose a polling accuracy measure for multi-party elections based on a generalization of Martin, Traugott, and Kennedy s two-party predictive accuracy index. Treating polls as random samples of a voting population, we first estimate an intercept only multinomial logit model to provide proportionate odds measures of each party s share of the vote, and thereby both unweighted and weighted averages of these values as a summary index for poll accuracy. We then propose measures for significance testing, and run a series of simulations to assess possible bias from the resulting folded normal distribution across different sample sizes, finding that bias is small even for polls with small samples. We apply our measure to the 2012 French presidential election polls to demonstrate its applicability in tracking overall polling performance across time and polling organizations. Finally, we demonstrate the practical value of our measure by using it as a dependent variable in an explanatory model of polling accuracy, testing the different possible sources of bias in the French data.

  @Article{arzheimer-evans-2013,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Evans, Jocelyn},
  title = {A New Multinomial Accuracy Measure for Polling Bias },
  journal = {Political Analysis},
  year = 2014,
  abstract = {In this article, we propose a polling accuracy measure for
  multi-party elections based on a generalization of Martin,
  Traugott, and Kennedy s two-party predictive accuracy index.
  Treating polls as random samples of a voting population, we first
  estimate an intercept only multinomial logit model to provide
  proportionate odds measures of each party s share of the vote, and
  thereby both unweighted and weighted averages of these values as a
  summary index for poll accuracy. We then propose measures for
  significance testing, and run a series of simulations to assess
  possible bias from the resulting folded normal distribution across
  different sample sizes, finding that bias is small even for polls
  with small samples. We apply our measure to the 2012 French
  presidential election polls to demonstrate its applicability in
  tracking overall polling performance across time and polling
  organizations. Finally, we demonstrate the practical value of our
  measure by using it as a dependent variable in an explanatory model
  of polling accuracy, testing the different possible sources of bias
  in the French data.},
  keywords = {meth-e},
  volume = {22},
  number = {1},
  pages = {31--44},
  doi = {10.1093/pan/mpt012},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/new-multinomial-measure-polling-bias.pdf},
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/1V0FCS},
  html =
  {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/new-multinomial-accuracy-measure-for-polling-bias}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jocelyn Evans. “Candidate Geolocation and Voter Choice in the 2013 English County Council Elections.” Research & Politics (2014). doi:10.1177/2053168014538769
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  The degree of ‘localness’ of candidates, including their residential location, has long been theorised to influence voters at election time. Individual-level tests of distance effects in the 2010 British general elections demonstrated that, controlling for standard explanations of vote, the distance from a voter’s home to that of the candidate was negatively associated with the likelihood of voting for that candidate. To test this theory in a sub-national electoral context more likely to produce distance effects than a national election, this paper builds upon previous analysis by using the 2013 English County Council elections. It improves upon the previous analysis in a number of ways, analysing an election where ‘localness’ effects would be expected to be stronger; combining a bespoke YouGov survey of voters with more precise locational data; including United Kingdom Independent Party candidates in its specification; and considering more closely how voters construe distance. It finds that distance does matter, not only as a linear measure but also in terms of candidates living in the same or different electoral division to voters. Finally, the paper simulates the effect of distance on candidate performances in this type of election to measure its real-world strength.

  @Article{arzheimer-evans-2014b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Evans, Jocelyn},
  title = {Candidate Geolocation and Voter Choice in the 2013 English County
  Council Elections},
  journal = {Research \& Politics},
  year = 2014,
  doi = {10.1177/2053168014538769},
  html = {https://rap.sagepub.com/content/1/2/2053168014538769.full},
  url = {https://rap.sagepub.com/content/1/2/2053168014538769.full.pdf+html},
  abstract = {The degree of 'localness' of candidates, including their
  residential location, has long been theorised to influence voters
  at election time. Individual-level tests of distance effects in the
  2010 British general elections demonstrated that, controlling for
  standard explanations of vote, the distance from a voter's home to
  that of the candidate was negatively associated with the likelihood
  of voting for that candidate. To test this theory in a sub-national
  electoral context more likely to produce distance effects than a
  national election, this paper builds upon previous analysis by
  using the 2013 English County Council elections. It improves upon
  the previous analysis in a number of ways, analysing an election
  where 'localness' effects would be expected to be stronger;
  combining a bespoke YouGov survey of voters with more precise
  locational data; including United Kingdom Independent Party
  candidates in its specification; and considering more closely how
  voters construe distance. It finds that distance does matter, not
  only as a linear measure but also in terms of candidates living in
  the same or different electoral division to voters. Finally, the
  paper simulates the effect of distance on candidate performances in
  this type of election to measure its real-world strength. }
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Sports Cars, Sleaze and Gamma Rays: Rhineland-Palatinate Elects Its First Red-Green Government.” German Politics 21.3 (2012): 341–354. doi:10.1080/09644008.2012.677031
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @Article{arzheimer-2012,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Sports Cars, Sleaze and Gamma Rays: Rhineland-Palatinate Elects Its First Red-Green Government},
  journal = {German Politics},
  year = 2012,
  volume = 21,
  pages = {341--354},
  doi = {10.1080/09644008.2012.677031},
  number = {3},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/sports-cars-sleaze-gamma-rays-rhineland-palatinate-elects-firstred-green-government/},
  keywords = {testing, gp, gp-state, voting},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/arzheimer-rp-2011.pdf}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jocelyn Evans. “Geolocation and voting: candidate-voter distance effects on party choice in the 2010 General Election in England.” Political Geography 31.5 (2012): 301–310. doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2012.04.006
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  The effect of geographical distance between candidate and voter on vote likelihood in the UK is essentially untested. In systems where constituency representatives vie for local inhabitants’ support in elections, candidates living closer to a voter would be expected to have a greater probability of receiving that individual’s support, other things being equal. In this paper, we present a first test of this concept using constituency data (specifically, notice of poll address data) from the British General Election of 2010 and the British Election Survey, together with geographical data from Ordnance Survey and Royal Mail, to test the hypothesis that candidate distance matters in voters’ choice of candidate. Using a conditional logit model, we find that the distance between voter and candidates from the three main parties (Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat) matters in English constituencies, even when controlling for strong predictors of vote-choice, such as party feeling and incumbency advantage.

  @Article{arzheimer-evans-2012,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Evans, Jocelyn},
  title = {Geolocation and voting: candidate-voter distance effects on party choice in the 2010 General Election in England},
  number = {5},
  volume = {31},
  abstract = {The effect of geographical distance between candidate and voter on vote likelihood in the UK is essentially untested. In systems where constituency representatives vie for local inhabitants' support in elections, candidates living closer to a voter would be expected to have a greater probability of receiving that individual's support, other things being equal. In this paper, we present a first test of this concept using constituency data (specifically, notice of poll address data) from the British General Election of 2010 and the British Election Survey, together with geographical data from Ordnance Survey and Royal Mail, to test the hypothesis that candidate distance matters in voters' choice of candidate. Using a conditional logit model, we find that the distance between voter and candidates from the three main parties (Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat) matters in English constituencies, even when controlling for strong predictors of vote-choice, such as party feeling and incumbency advantage.},
  journal = {Political Geography},
  year = 2012,
  doi = {10.1016/j.polgeo.2012.04.006},
  pages = {301--310},
  keywords = {uk, gis},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/geolocation-voting-candidate-voter-distance-effects-party-choice-2010-general-election-england},
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/PBCH00},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/arzheimer-evans-geolocation-vote-england.pdf}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Harald Schoen. “Ein Blick von außen. Anmerkungen zu Steinbrink et al. “Netzwerk(analys)e in der deutschen Humangeographie”.” Berichte zur deutschen Landeskunde 86.4 (2012): 377–381.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Steinbrink et al.’s analysis of various knowledge networks in German Human geography offers fascinating glimpses into the structure of the subfield. We identify two potential problems, and one point of departure for further research. First, Steinbrink et al. limit their analysis to tenured professors, who are not necessarily representative for the the discipline as a whole. Therefore, their results may be biased. Second, they focus on publications in German journals. Without further information, we cannot know whether people who appear to be outsiders within this subnetwork are in fact well integrated once the global network of international journals in considered. Third, the charms of Social Network Analysis are sometimes too seducive. While snapshot studies such as the one by Steinbrink et al. provide intriguing insights, future work should be complemented by explicitly comparative perspectives and a first principles approach to “optimal” structures for knowledge networks.

  @Article{arzheimer-schoen-2012,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Schoen, Harald},
  title = {Ein Blick von au{\ss}en. Anmerkungen zu Steinbrink et al.
  "Netzwerk(analys)e in der deutschen Humangeographie"},
  journal = {Berichte zur deutschen Landeskunde},
  year = 2012,
  volume = 86,
  pages = {377--381},
  number = 4,
  abstract = {Steinbrink et al.'s analysis of various knowledge networks in
  German Human geography offers fascinating glimpses into the
  structure of the subfield. We identify two potential problems, and
  one point of departure for further research. First, Steinbrink et
  al. limit their analysis to tenured professors, who are not
  necessarily representative for the the discipline as a whole.
  Therefore, their results may be biased. Second, they focus on
  publications in German journals. Without further information, we
  cannot know whether people who appear to be outsiders within this
  subnetwork are in fact well integrated once the global network of
  international journals in considered. Third, the charms of Social
  Network Analysis are sometimes too seducive. While snapshot studies
  such as the one by Steinbrink et al. provide intriguing insights,
  future work should be complemented by explicitly comparative
  perspectives and a first principles approach to "optimal"
  structures for knowledge networks.},
  keywords = {meth-d},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/netzwerkanalyse-deutsche-humangeographie},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/netzwerkanalyse-deutsche-humangeographie.pdf}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jocelyn Evans. “Bread and butter à la française: Multiparty forecasts of the French legislative vote 1981-2007.” International Journal of Forecasting 26 (2010): 19–31. doi:10.1016/j.ijforecast.2009.05.025
  [BibTeX] [HTML] [DATA]

  @Article{arzheimer-evans-2010,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Evans, Jocelyn},
  title = {Bread and butter à la française: Multiparty forecasts of the French legislative vote 1981-2007},
  journal = {International Journal of Forecasting},
  year = 2010,
  volume = 26,
  pages = {19--31},
  keywords = {voting, france, subnational},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/bread-butter-a-la-francaise-forecasts-french-legislative-vote-regional-economic-conditions/},
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/CYB7QZ},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ijforecast.2009.05.025}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Contextual Factors and the Extreme Right Vote in Western Europe, 1980–2002.” American Journal of Political Science 53.2 (2009): 259-275. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00369.x
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Research on the voters of the extreme right in Western Europe has become a minor industry, but relatively little attention has been paid to the twin question of why support for these parties is often unstable, and why the extreme right is so weak in many countries. Moreover, the findings from different studies often contradict each other. This article aims at providing a more comprehensive and satisfactory answer to this research problem by employing a broader database and a more adequate modeling strategy. The main finding is that while immigration and unemployment rates are important, their interaction with other political factors is much more complex than suggested by previous research. Moreover, persistent country effects prevail even if a whole host of individual and contextual variables is controlled for.

  @Article{arzheimer-2009,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Contextual Factors and the Extreme Right Vote in Western Europe,
  1980--2002 },
  journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
  year = 2009,
  volume = 53,
  number = 2,
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00369.x},
  keywords = {cp, eurorex},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/contextual-factors-extreme-right-vote-western-europe-1980-2002},
  abstract = {Research on the voters of the extreme right in Western Europe has become a minor industry, but relatively little attention has been paid to the twin question of why support for these parties is often unstable, and why the extreme right is so weak in many countries. Moreover, the findings from different studies often contradict each other. This article aims at providing a more comprehensive and satisfactory answer to this research problem by employing a broader database and a more adequate modeling strategy. The main finding is that while immigration and unemployment rates are important, their interaction with other political factors is much more complex than suggested by previous research. Moreover, persistent country effects prevail even if a whole host of individual and contextual variables is controlled for. },
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/contextual-factors-and-the-extreme-right-vote-in-western-europe-1980-2002.pdf},
  pages = {259-275}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Lakatos Reloaded: A Reply to Lister.” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 11 (2009): 526–528. doi:10.1111/j.1467-856X.2009.00372.x
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @Article{arzheimer-2009b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Lakatos Reloaded: A Reply to Lister},
  journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/Arzheimer-reply-Lakatos-reloaded.pdf},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/arzheimer-reply-lakatos-reloaded/},
  keywords = {voting, cp},
  year = 2009,
  volume = 11,
  pages = {526--528},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-856X.2009.00372.x}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Elisabeth Carter. “How (not) to operationalise subnational political opportunity structures: A critique of Kestilä and Söderlund’s study of regional elections.” European Journal of Political Research 48.3 (2009): 335-358. doi:10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.00842.x
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Based on an aggregate analysis of the French regional elections of 2004, Kestilä and Söderlund, in their 2007 article, ‘Subnational Political Opportunity Structures and the Success of the Radical Right: Evidence from the March 2004 Regional Elections in France’, examine the impact of subnational political opportunity structures on the success of the radical right and argue that such an approach can control for a wider range of factors and provide more reliable results than cross-national analyses. The present article disputes this claim on theoretical, conceptual and methodological grounds and demonstrates that their empirical findings are spurious.

  @Article{arzheimer-carter-ejpr-2009,
  doi = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.00842.x },
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Carter, Elisabeth},
  title = {How (not) to operationalise subnational political opportunity structures: A critique of Kestil{\"a} and S{\"o}derlund's study of regional elections},
  journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/not-operationalise-subnational-political-opportunity-structures/},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/Subnational-Political-Opportunity-Structures-in-France.pdf},
  year = 2009,
  volume = 48,
  abstract = {Based on an aggregate analysis of the French regional elections of 2004, Kestil{\"a} and S{\"o}derlund, in their 2007 article, 'Subnational Political Opportunity Structures and the Success of the Radical Right: Evidence from the March 2004 Regional Elections in France', examine the impact of subnational political opportunity structures on the success of the radical right and argue that such an approach can control for a wider range of factors and provide more reliable results than cross-national analyses. The present article disputes this claim on theoretical, conceptual and methodological grounds and demonstrates that their empirical findings are spurious.},
  keywords = {eurorex, subnational, france},
  number = 3,
  pages = {335-358},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Elisabeth Carter. “Christian Religiosity and Voting for West European Radical Right Parties.” West European Politics 32.5 (2009): 985–1011. doi:10.1080/01402380903065058
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  This article examines the relationship between Christian religiosity and the support for radical right parties in Western Europe. Drawing on theories of electoral choice and on socio-psychological literature largely ignored by scholars of electoral behaviour, it suggests and tests a number of competing hypotheses. The findings demonstrate that while religiosity has few direct effects, and while religious people are neither more nor less hostile towards ethnic minorities and thereby neither more nor less prone to vote for a radical right party, they are not ‘available’ to these parties because they are still firmly attached to Christian Democratic or conservative parties. However, given increasing de-alignment, this ‘vaccine effect’ is likely to become weaker with time.

  @Article{arzheimer-carter-wep-2009,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Carter, Elisabeth},
  doi = {10.1080/01402380903065058},
  journal = {West European Politics},
  number = 5,
  pages = {985--1011},
  keywords = {eurorex, cp},
  title = {Christian Religiosity and Voting for West European Radical Right Parties},
  volume = 32,
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/christian-religiosity-radical-right-voting.pdf},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/christian-religions-radical-right-parties/},
  abstract = {This article examines the relationship between Christian religiosity and the support for radical right parties in Western Europe. Drawing on theories of electoral choice and on socio-psychological literature largely ignored by scholars of electoral behaviour, it suggests and tests a number of competing hypotheses. The findings demonstrate that while religiosity has few direct effects, and while religious people are neither more nor less hostile towards ethnic minorities and thereby neither more nor less prone to vote for a radical right party, they are not 'available' to these parties because they are still firmly attached to Christian Democratic or conservative parties. However, given increasing de-alignment, this 'vaccine effect' is likely to become weaker with time.},
  year = 2009
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Harald Schoen. “Isoliert oder gut vernetzt? Eine vergleichende Exploration der Publikationspraxis in der PVS.” Politische Vierteljahresschrift 50 (2009): 604–626.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Citations and co-publications are one important indicator of scientific communication and collaboration. By studying patterns of citation and co-publication in four major European Political Science journals (BJPS, PS, PVS and OEZP), we demonstrate that compared to the conduits of communication in the sciences, these networks are rather sparse. British Political Science, however, is clearly less fragmented than its German speaking counterpart.

  @Article{arzheimer-schoen-2009,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Schoen, Harald},
  title = {Isoliert oder gut vernetzt? Eine vergleichende Exploration der Publikationspraxis in der PVS},
  journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
  year = 2009,
  volume = 50,
  pages = {604--626},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/arzheimer-schoen-netzwerke-politikwissenschaft.pdf},
  keywords = {meth-d},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/soziale-netzwerke-politikwissenschaft-publikationen},
  abstract = {Citations and co-publications are one important indicator of scientific communication and collaboration. By studying patterns of citation and co-publication in four major European Political Science journals (BJPS, PS, PVS and OEZP), we demonstrate that compared to the conduits of communication in the sciences, these networks are rather sparse. British Political Science, however, is clearly less fragmented than its German speaking counterpart.}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Protest, Neo-Liberalism or Anti-Immigrant Sentiment: What Motivates the Voters of the Extreme Right in Western Europe?.” Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft/Comparative Governance and Politics 2 (2009): 173-197. doi:10.1007/s12286-008-0011-4
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Over the last three decades, the parties of the “Extreme”, “Radical” or “Populist” Right have become a political staple in Western Europe. However, comparative evidence on the motives of their voters is relatively scarce. This article assesses the empirical effects of the most prominent alleged motivational factors “pure” (i.e. performance related) protest, anti-immigrant sentiment, and neo-liberal economic preferences – on the extreme right vote while controlling for a whole host of background variables. While protest and neo-liberalism have no statistically significant impact whatsoever, immigrant sentiment plays a crucial role in all countries but Italy. Its effect is moderated, however, by general ideological preferences and party identification. Consequentially, comparative electoral research should focus on the circumstances under which immigration is politicised.

  @Article{arzheimer-zfpw-2009,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Protest, Neo-Liberalism or Anti-Immigrant Sentiment: What Motivates the Voters of the Extreme Right in Western Europe?},
  journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft/Comparative Governance and Politics },
  year = 2009,
  volume = 2,
  keywords = {eurorex, cp},
  abstract = {Over the last three decades, the parties of the "Extreme", "Radical" or "Populist" Right have become a political staple in Western Europe. However, comparative evidence on the motives of their voters is relatively scarce. This article assesses the empirical effects of the most prominent alleged motivational factors "pure" (i.e. performance related) protest, anti-immigrant sentiment, and neo-liberal economic preferences - on the extreme right vote while controlling for a whole host of background variables. While protest and neo-liberalism have no statistically significant impact whatsoever, immigrant sentiment plays a crucial role in all countries but Italy. Its effect is moderated, however, by general ideological preferences and party identification. Consequentially, comparative electoral research should focus on the circumstances under which immigration is politicised. },
  doi = {10.1007/s12286-008-0011-4},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/ideology-protest-extreme-right-vote.pdf},
  pages = {173-197},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/protest-neo-liberalism-anti-immigrant-sentiment-extreme-right/}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Something old, something new, something borrowed, something true? A comment on Lister’s `Institutions, Inequality and Social Norms: Explaining Variations in Participation’.” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 10 (2008): 681–697. doi:10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00336.x
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  Michael Lister makes a useful contribution to the discussion on aggregate variables that foster or depress turnout by drawing attention to societal factors, but his analysis is fraught with methodological problems. While his article builds on an interesting theoretical argument about the impact of institutions on attitudes, his claims about causal relationships are not backed by data. There is no rationale for the selection of countries, and most explanatory variables are actually constant within countries. The specification of the model is problematic in many ways. A careful re-analysis shows that the t-values reported in Lister’s article are far too large, while the estimates are unstable and dependent on the selection of observations. Moreover, the effects are trivial in terms of their political implications. There is no robust evidence for a universal, politically relevant relationship between inequality and turnout.

  @Article{arzheimer-2008c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Something old, something new, something borrowed, something true? A comment on Lister's `Institutions, Inequality and Social Norms: Explaining Variations in Participation'},
  journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
  year = 2008,
  volume = 10,
  keywords = {voting, cp},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/turnout-institutions-inequality-social-norms.pdf},
  pages = {681--697},
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/2D7EFV},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/turnout-institutions-inequality-social-norms/},
  abstract = {Michael Lister makes a useful contribution to the discussion on aggregate variables that foster or depress turnout by drawing attention to societal factors, but his analysis is fraught with methodological problems. While his article builds on an interesting theoretical argument about the impact of institutions on attitudes, his claims about causal relationships are not backed by data. There is no rationale for the selection of countries, and most explanatory variables are actually constant within countries. The specification of the model is problematic in many ways. A careful re-analysis shows that the t-values reported in Lister's article are far too large, while the estimates are unstable and dependent on the selection of observations. Moreover, the effects are trivial in terms of their political implications. There is no robust evidence for a universal, politically relevant relationship between inequality and turnout.},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00336.x }
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Ein Märchen aus tausend und einer Nacht? Kommentar zu Frederike Wuermelings Artikel `Paßt die Türkei zur EU und die EU zu Europa’.” Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 60 (2008): 118–130.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  In ihrem in Heft 2/2007 der Kölner Zeitschrift erschienen Artikel argumentiert Frederike Wuermeling, daß die vergleichsweise niedrige Zustimmung der Türken zu den EU- Prinzipien kausal auf das niedrige Bruttosozialprodukt und den hohen Muslimanteil zurückzuführen ist. Tatsächlich weist Wuermelings Analyse jedoch eine Vielzahl von methodischen und theoretischen Defiziten auf. Die Kernaussagen ihres Beitrages sind deshalb durch die Daten nicht gedeckt.

  @Article{arzheimer-2008d,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Ein M{\"a}rchen aus tausend und einer Nacht? Kommentar zu Frederike Wuermelings Artikel `Pa{\ss}t die T{\"u}rkei zur EU und die EU zu Europa'},
  journal = {K{\"o}lner Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie},
  year = 2008,
  volume = 60,
  abstract = {In ihrem in Heft 2/2007 der K{\"o}lner Zeitschrift erschienen Artikel argumentiert Frederike Wuermeling, da{\ss} die vergleichsweise niedrige Zustimmung der T{\"u}rken zu den EU- Prinzipien kausal auf das niedrige Bruttosozialprodukt und den hohen Muslimanteil zur{\"u}ckzuf{\"u}hren ist. Tats{\"a}chlich weist Wuermelings Analyse jedoch eine Vielzahl von methodischen und theoretischen Defiziten auf. Die Kernaussagen ihres Beitrages sind deshalb durch die Daten nicht gedeckt.},
  keywords = {attitudes-d, cp-d},
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/9ELQFU},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/demokratische-einstellungen-in-der-tuerkei.pdf},
  pages = {118--130},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/demokratische-einstellungen-in-der-tuerkei/}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Harald Schoen. “An Absolute Majority for the SPD as an Unintended Consequence? The Land Election in Rhineland-Palatinate 2006.” German Politics 16 (2007): 264–272. doi:10.1080/09644000701358858
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  The state election of 2006 in Rheinland-Pfalz resulted in a (bare) majority of seats for the SPD, which allows the party to govern alone for the first time in the history of the state. The CDU, on the other hand, received slightly less than one-third of the vote, an all-time low in its former stronghold. This result was by and large determined by factors at the state level. Yet it had a considerable impact at the federal level: it signalled the end of a string of devastating losses for the SPD, enhanced the standing of minister president Kurt Beck (now the SPD’s chairman), and brought to an end the last coalition between the SPD and the FDP. These repercussions notwithstanding, there is no evidence of a durable voter realignment benefiting the SPD, since the party’s victory was apparently due to short- and mid-term factors. Therefore, the outcome of the next election (scheduled for 2011) is by no means a foregone conclusion.

  @Article{arzheimer-schoen-2007,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Schoen, Harald},
  year = 2007,
  title = {An Absolute Majority for the SPD as an Unintended Consequence? The Land Election in Rhineland-Palatinate 2006},
  pages = {264--272},
  doi = {10.1080/09644000701358858},
  volume = 16,
  journal = {German Politics},
  keywords = {gp, gp-state},
  abstract = {The state election of 2006 in Rheinland-Pfalz resulted in a (bare) majority of seats for the SPD, which allows the party to govern alone for the first time in the history of the state. The CDU, on the other hand, received slightly less than one-third of the vote, an all-time low in its former stronghold. This result was by and large determined by factors at the state level. Yet it had a considerable impact at the federal level: it signalled the end of a string of devastating losses
  for the SPD, enhanced the standing of minister president Kurt Beck (now the SPD's chairman), and brought to an end the last coalition between the SPD and the FDP. These repercussions notwithstanding, there is no evidence of a durable voter realignment benefiting the SPD, since the party's victory was apparently due to short- and mid-term factors. Therefore, the outcome of the next election (scheduled for 2011) is by no means a foregone conclusion.},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/state-election-2006-rhineland-palatinate},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/RheinlandPfalz2006/RLP2006.pdf},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “‘Dead Men Walking?’ Party Identification in Germany, 1977-2002.” Electoral Studies 25.4 (2006): 794–818. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2006.01.004
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Scholars engaged in the discourse on ‘Parteienverdrossenheit’ claim that a breakdown of party attachments in West Germany occurred during the early 1990s. Employing data from a series of monthly polls that were conducted from 1977 to 2002, this paper demonstrates that the notion of such a rapid decline is wrong. Rather than being swept away by political crises, party identification declines slowly and fairly constantly over time, which is in line with theories of a secular dealignment. Furthermore, it can be shown that this dealignment is driven by a weakening of traditional social ties, while cognitive mobilization and change in the composition of the society have no effect on partisanship. The decline is most pronounced among the working class.

  @Article{arzheimer-2006,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  year = 2006,
  title = {'Dead Men Walking?' Party Identification in Germany, 1977-2002},
  pages = {791--807},
  volume = 25,
  journal = {Electoral Studies},
  keywords = {voting, attitudes-e, gp},
  pages = {794--818},
  abstract = {Scholars engaged in the discourse on 'Parteienverdrossenheit' claim that a breakdown of party attachments in West Germany occurred during the early 1990s. Employing data from a series of monthly polls that were conducted from 1977 to 2002, this paper demonstrates that the notion of such a rapid decline is wrong. Rather than being swept away by political crises, party identification declines slowly and fairly constantly over time, which is in line with theories of a secular dealignment. Furthermore, it can be shown that this dealignment is driven by a weakening of traditional social ties, while cognitive mobilization and change in the composition of the society have no effect on partisanship. The decline is most pronounced among the working class.},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2006.01.004},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/dead-men-walking-party-identification-germany-1977-2002/},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/Party-Identification-Germany/Party-Identification-Germany.pdf},
  number = 4,
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Elisabeth Carter. “Political Opportunity Structures and Right-Wing Extremist Party Success.” European Journal of Political Research 45 (2006): 419–443. doi:10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00304.x
  [BibTeX] [DATA]

  @Article{arzheimer-carter-2006,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Carter, Elisabeth},
  year = 2006,
  title = {Political Opportunity Structures and Right-Wing Extremist Party Success},
  pages = {419--443},
  data = {https://dx.doi.org/10.7910/DVN/23280},
  keywords = {cp, eurorex},
  volume = 45,
  doi = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00304.x},
  journal = {European Journal of Political Research}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Harald Schoen. “Erste Schritte auf kaum erschlossenem Terrain. Zur Stabilität der Parteiidentifikation in Deutschland.” Politische Vierteljahresschrift 46 (2005): 629-654.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-schoen-2005,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Schoen, Harald},
  year = 2005,
  title = {Erste Schritte auf kaum erschlossenem Terrain. Zur Stabilit{\"a}t der Parteiidentifikation in Deutschland},
  keywords = {gp-d, attitudes-d},
  pages = {629-654},
  volume = 46,
  journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Kennt Luhmann Kant? Luhmanns Auseinandersetzung mit dem Schematismusbegriff..” Associations. Journal for Legal and Social Theory 5 (2001): 95–114.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF]
  

  In der vorliegenden Untersuchung hat sich gezeigt, daß es sich beim Kapitel 5.II entgegen dem Anschein, den der Text beim ersten und zweiten Lesen erweckt, nicht um eine substantielle Auseinandersetzung Luhmanns mit dem Kantschen Schematismusbegriff und der Subjektphilosophie handelt. Luhmann beschränkt sich bei seiner Darstellung des höchst komplexen Textes auf einen einzigen Aspekt, nämlich die Zeitlichkeit, und ignoriert dabei die Rezeption und den Forschungsstand zum Schematismusbegriff vollständig. Die Ausführungen zum Gemeinsinn zeigen darüber hinaus, daß er die zugrundeliegenden Texte teilweise nur oberflächlich zur Kenntnis genommen hat. Seine Argumentation gegen die Subjektphilosophie ist häufig sprunghaft, dogmatisch und in weiten Teilen kaum nachvollziehbar. Auf Textbelege, die seine teilweise doch sehr weitreichenden Aussagen stützen könnten, verzichtet Luhmann fast vollständig. Hinzu kommt an vielen Stellen eine bemerkenswerte begriffliche Unklarheit bzw. die offenkundige Freude am Spiel mit synonym gebrauchten Ausdrücken. Das Kapitel ist deshalb meines Erachtens als Beitrag zu einem rational geführten Diskurs über die Probleme der Subjektphilosophie schlicht inakzeptabel. Nach mehrfacher gründlicher Lektüre des Textes drängt sich vielmehr der Eindruck auf, daß es Luhmann hier einzig und allein darum geht, einmal mehr zugunsten seiner eigenen systemtheoretischen Betrachtungsweise gegen das ,,alteuropäische Denken“ zu polemisieren und sich dabei den Anstrich philosophischer Belesenheit zu geben. Letzten Endes liegt der genuin philosophische Gehalt des Kapitels in der Erkenntnis, daß Luhmann sich vom Schematismusbegriff zum Konzept der ,,temporalisierten“ Systeme hat anregen lassen und dies anscheinend als eine Weiterführung, wenn nicht als Überwindung Kants ansieht. Eine im eigentlichen Sinne philosophische Auseinandersetzung mit Luhmann erscheint deshalb zumindest vor dem Hintergrund dieses Unterkapitels als wenig lohnend.

  @Article{arzheimer-2001b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Kennt Luhmann Kant? Luhmanns Auseinandersetzung mit dem Schematismusbegriff.},
  journal = {Associations. Journal for Legal and Social Theory},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/Luhmann.pdf},
  year = 2001,
  abstract = {In der vorliegenden Untersuchung hat sich gezeigt, da{\ss} es sich beim Kapitel 5.II entgegen dem Anschein, den der Text beim ersten und zweiten Lesen erweckt, nicht um eine substantielle Auseinandersetzung Luhmanns mit dem Kantschen Schematismusbegriff und der Subjektphilosophie handelt. Luhmann beschr{\"a}nkt sich bei seiner Darstellung des h{\"o}chst komplexen Textes auf einen einzigen Aspekt, n{\"a}mlich die Zeitlichkeit, und ignoriert dabei die Rezeption und den Forschungsstand zum Schematismusbegriff vollst{\"a}ndig. Die Ausf{\"u}hrungen zum Gemeinsinn zeigen dar{\"u}ber hinaus, da{\ss} er die zugrundeliegenden Texte teilweise nur oberfl{\"a}chlich zur Kenntnis genommen hat.
  Seine Argumentation gegen die Subjektphilosophie ist h{\"a}ufig sprunghaft, dogmatisch und in weiten Teilen kaum nachvollziehbar. Auf Textbelege, die seine teilweise doch sehr weitreichenden Aussagen st{\"u}tzen k{\"o}nnten, verzichtet Luhmann fast vollst{\"a}ndig. Hinzu kommt an vielen Stellen eine bemerkenswerte begriffliche Unklarheit bzw. die offenkundige Freude am Spiel mit synonym gebrauchten Ausdr{\"u}cken. Das Kapitel ist deshalb meines Erachtens als Beitrag zu einem rational gef{\"u}hrten Diskurs {\"u}ber die Probleme der Subjektphilosophie schlicht inakzeptabel.
  Nach mehrfacher gr{\"u}ndlicher Lekt{\"u}re des Textes dr{\"a}ngt sich vielmehr der Eindruck auf, da{\ss} es Luhmann hier einzig und allein darum geht, einmal mehr zugunsten seiner eigenen systemtheoretischen Betrachtungsweise gegen das ,,alteurop{\"a}ische Denken`` zu polemisieren und sich dabei den Anstrich philosophischer Belesenheit zu geben. Letzten Endes liegt der genuin philosophische Gehalt des Kapitels in der Erkenntnis, da{\ss} Luhmann sich vom Schematismusbegriff zum Konzept der ,,temporalisierten`` Systeme hat anregen lassen und dies anscheinend als eine Weiterf{\"u}hrung, wenn nicht als {\"U}berwindung Kants ansieht. Eine im eigentlichen Sinne philosophische Auseinandersetzung mit Luhmann erscheint deshalb zumindest vor dem Hintergrund dieses Unterkapitels als wenig lohnend. },
  volume = 5,
  pages = {95--114}
  }

• Klein, Markus and Kai Arzheimer. “Einmal mehr: Ranking oder Rating. Über die adäquate Messung von gesellschaftlichen Wertorientierungen. Eine Erwiderung auf Stefan Sacchi.” Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 52.3 (2000): 553–563.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{klein-arzheimer-2000,
  title = {Einmal mehr: Ranking oder Rating. Über die ad{\"a}quate Messung von gesellschaftlichen Wertorientierungen. Eine Erwiderung auf Stefan Sacchi},
  author = {Klein, Markus and Arzheimer, Kai},
  journal = {K{\"o}lner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie},
  year = 2000,
  keywords = {attitudes-d, meth-d},
  volume = 52,
  number = 3,
  pages = {553--563},
  }

• Klein, Markus and Kai Arzheimer. “Ranking- und Rating-Verfahren zur Messung von Wertorientierungen, untersucht am Beispiel des Inglehart-Index. Empirische Befunde eines Methodenexperiments.” Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 51 (1999): 550–564.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  Über die Frage, ob Ranking-Prozeduren wirklich besser für die Messung von Wertorientierungen geeignet sind als Rating-Skalen, gibt es in der Empirischen Sozialforschung eine andauernde Diskussion. Um diese Debatte mit mehr empirischer Evidenz anzureichern, haben wir ein Methodenexperiment in eine zweiwellige schriftliche Panelbefragung integriert: In der ersten Panelwelle wurden die Befragten gebeten, die vier Items des Inglehart-Index sowohl unabhängig voneinander in ihrer Wichtigkeit zu bewerten als auch rangzuordnen. In der zweiten Panelwelle haben wir diese Bitte wiederholt, dabei allerdings der Hälfte der Respondenten einen Fragebogen vorgelegt, in dem die Reihenfolge der Items vertauscht war. Mit Hilfe dieses experimentellen Designs können wir zeigen, daß ein Zusammenhang zwischen der Reihenfolge der Items im Fragebogen und den von den Befragten vergebenen Rangpositionen besteht. Dies gilt in besonderem Maße für Befragte, die in der ersten Panelwelle im Rahmen des Rating-Verfahrens allen Items dieselbe Wichtigkeit zugeschrieben hatten. Das Ranking-Verfahren ist also für Resonse-Sets ebenso anfällig wie Rating-Skalen. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Befunde besteht kein Grund für die Annahme, daß das Ranking dem Rating in methodischer Hinsicht überlegen sei.

  @Article{klein-arzheimer-1999,
  author  = {Klein, Markus and Arzheimer, Kai},
  year = 1999,
  title = {Ranking- und Rating-Verfahren zur Messung von Wertorientierungen, untersucht am Beispiel des Inglehart-Index. Empirische Befunde eines Methodenexperiments},
  pages = {550--564},
  volume  = 51,
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/ranking-rating-inglehart-index/},
  abstract = {Über die Frage, ob Ranking-Prozeduren wirklich besser für die Messung von Wertorientierungen geeignet sind als Rating-Skalen, gibt es in der Empirischen Sozialforschung eine andauernde Diskussion. Um diese Debatte mit mehr empirischer Evidenz anzureichern, haben wir ein Methodenexperiment in eine zweiwellige schriftliche Panelbefragung integriert: In der ersten Panelwelle wurden die Befragten gebeten, die vier Items des Inglehart-Index sowohl unabhängig voneinander in ihrer Wichtigkeit zu bewerten als auch rangzuordnen. In der zweiten Panelwelle haben wir diese Bitte wiederholt, dabei allerdings der Hälfte der Respondenten einen Fragebogen vorgelegt, in dem die Reihenfolge der Items vertauscht war. Mit Hilfe dieses experimentellen Designs können wir zeigen, daß ein Zusammenhang zwischen der Reihenfolge der Items im Fragebogen und den von den Befragten vergebenen Rangpositionen besteht. Dies gilt in besonderem Maße für Befragte, die in der ersten Panelwelle im Rahmen des Rating-Verfahrens allen Items dieselbe Wichtigkeit zugeschrieben hatten. Das Ranking-Verfahren ist also für Resonse-Sets ebenso anfällig wie Rating-Skalen. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Befunde besteht kein Grund für die Annahme, daß das Ranking dem Rating in methodischer Hinsicht überlegen sei.},
  journal  = {K{\"o}lner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Markus Klein. “Die Grünen und der Benzinpreis. Die Wählerschaft von BÜNDNIS 90/ Die Grünen im Vorfeld der Bundestagswahl 1998.” ZA-Information 45 (1999): 20–43.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  Dieser Aufsatz untersucht die Auswirkungen, die die Forderung der Partei BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN nach einer sukzessiven Erhöhung des Benzinpreises auf deren Unterstützung durch die Wähler hatte. Unter Verwendung der täglichen OMNITEL-Befragungen von FORSA, die seit kurzem über das Zentralarchiv verfügbar sind, wird gezeigt, daß mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit ein ursächlicher Zusammenhang zwischen dem 5-Mark-Beschluß der GRÜNEN und ihrem deutlich geringeren Wählerrückhalt seit der ersten Hälfte des Jahres 1998 besteht. Die Ergebnisse dieser Analysen werden zudem in den Kontext der jüngsten Kontroversen um die Determinanten der Wahlentscheidung zugunsten der GRÜNEN gestellt.

  @Article {arzheimer-klein-1999c,
  title = {Die Grünen und der Benzinpreis. Die Wählerschaft von BÜNDNIS 90/
  Die Grünen im Vorfeld der Bundestagswahl 1998},
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Klein, Markus},
  journal = {ZA-Information},
  number = 45,
  pages = {20--43},
  year = 1999,
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/bamberg/},
  keywords = {voting-d, greens-d},
  abstract = {Dieser Aufsatz untersucht die Auswirkungen, die die Forderung der
  Partei BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN nach einer sukzessiven Erhöhung des
  Benzinpreises auf deren Unterstützung durch die Wähler hatte. Unter
  Verwendung der täglichen OMNITEL-Befragungen von FORSA, die seit
  kurzem über das Zentralarchiv verfügbar sind, wird gezeigt, daß mit
  großer Wahrscheinlichkeit ein ursächlicher Zusammenhang zwischen
  dem 5-Mark-Beschluß der GRÜNEN und ihrem deutlich geringeren
  Wählerrückhalt seit der ersten Hälfte des Jahres 1998 besteht. Die
  Ergebnisse dieser Analysen werden zudem in den Kontext der jüngsten
  Kontroversen um die Determinanten der Wahlentscheidung zugunsten
  der GRÜNEN gestellt.},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Markus Klein. “The Effect of Material Incentives on Return Rate, Panel Attrition and Sample Composition of a Mail Panel Survey.” International Journal of Public Opinion Research 11 (1999): 368–377.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-klein-1999,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Klein, Markus},
  title = {The Effect of Material Incentives on Return Rate, Panel Attrition and Sample Composition of a Mail Panel Survey},
  keywords = {meth-e},
  journal = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  year = 1999,
  volume = 11,
  pages = {368--377}
  }

• Klein, Markus and Kai Arzheimer. “Ist der Apfel faul, wenn die Birne riecht? Eine Erwiderung auf den Aufsatz “Zur Attraktivität der Grünen bei älteren Wählern” von Ulrich Kohler.” Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 50 (1998): 742–749.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{klein-arzheimer-1998,
  author  = {Klein, Markus and Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Ist der Apfel faul, wenn die Birne riecht? Eine Erwiderung auf den Aufsatz "Zur Attraktivit{\"a}t der Gr{\"u}nen bei {\"a}lteren W{\"a}hlern" von Ulrich Kohler},
  journal  = {K{\"o}lner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie},
  year = 1998,
  volume  = 50,
  pages = {742--749}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Markus Klein. “Die friedliche und die stille Revolution. Der Wandel gesellschaftspolitischer Wertorientierungen in Deutschland seit dem Beitritt der fünf neuen Länder.” Politische Einstellungen und politisches Verhalten im Transformationsprozeß. Ed. Gabriel, Oscar W.. Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 1997. 37–57.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-klein-1997b,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and Markus Klein},
  title = {Die friedliche und die stille Revolution. Der Wandel gesellschaftspolitischer Wertorientierungen in Deutschland seit dem Beitritt der f{\"u}nf neuen {L}{\"a}nder},
  pages = {37--57},
  publisher = {Leske und Budrich},
  editor = {Oscar W. Gabriel},
  booktitle = {Politische Einstellungen und politisches Verhalten im Transformationsproze{\ss}},
  keywords = {cp-d, east-west-d, attitudes-d},
  year = 1997,
  address = {Opladen}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Cornelia Weins. “Zerfallen die sozialstrukturellen Bindungen an die Union – zum Beispiel in Rheinland-Pfalz?.” Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 28 (1997): 203-215.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-weins-1997,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Weins, Cornelia},
  year = 1997,
  title = {Zerfallen die sozialstrukturellen Bindungen an die Union -- zum Beispiel in Rheinland-Pfalz?},
  pages = {203-215},
  volume = 28,
  keywords = {voting-d, gp-d, gp-state-d},
  journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Parlamentsfragen},
  }

Monographs

• Arzheimer, Kai. Strukturgleichungsmodelle. Eine anwendungsorientierte Einführung. Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2015. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-09609-0
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @Book{arzheimer-2015c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Strukturgleichungsmodelle. Eine anwendungsorientierte Einführung},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/strukturgleichungsmodelle-fuer-politikwissenschaftler},
  pdf = {https://www.springer.com/us/book/9783658096083},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-09609-0},
  year = {2015}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. Die Wähler der extremen Rechten 1980-2002. Wiebaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2008. doi:10.1007/978-3-531-91009-3
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @Book{arzheimer-2008,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  year = {2008},
  title = {Die W{\"a}hler der extremen Rechten 1980-2002},
  address = {Wiebaden},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  keywords = {cp-d, eurorex-d},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-531-91009-3},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/die-wahler-der-extremen-rechten-westeuropa/}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. Politikverdrossenheit. Bedeutung, Verwendung und empirische Relevanz eines politikwissenschaftlichen Begriffes. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2002.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @Book{arzheimer-2002,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  year = 2002,
  title = {Politikverdrossenheit. Bedeutung, Verwendung und empirische Relevanz eines politikwissenschaftlichen Begriffes},
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/politikverdrossenheit.pdf},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/politikverdrossenheit/},
  keywords = {attitudes-d, alienation-d},
  publisher = {Westdeutscher Verlag}
  }

Edited volumes

• The SAGE Handbook of Electoral Behaviour. Eds. Arzheimer, Kai, Jocelyn Evans, and Michael Lewis-Beck. Los Angeles: Sage, 2017.
  [BibTeX]

  @Book{arzheimer-evans-lewis-beck-2016,
  editor = {Arzheimer, Kai and Evans, Jocelyn and Lewis-Beck, Michael},
  title = {The SAGE Handbook of Electoral Behaviour},
  publisher = {Sage},
  year = {2017},
  address = {Los Angeles}
  }

• Voters and Voting in Germany’s Multi-level System. Special Issue of German Politics. Eds. Rossteutscher, Sigrid, Thorsten Faas, and Kai Arzheimer. Vol. 24. Routledge, 2015.
  [BibTeX]

  @Book{rossteutscher-faas-arzheimer-2015b,
  editor = {Rossteutscher, Sigrid and Faas, Thorsten and Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Voters and Voting in Germany's Multi-level System},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  year = 2015,
  volume = 24,
  keywords = {voting, gp},
  number = 1,
  series = {Special Issue of German Politics}}

• Arzheimer, Kai, Thorsten Faas, Ulrich Rosar, and Sigrid Roßteutscher. Innovative Methoden in der Politikwissenschaft. Special Issue: Methoden – Daten – Analysen. Zeitschrift für Empirische Sozialforschung. Vol. 6. Gesis, 2013.
  [BibTeX]

  @Book{arzheimer-faas-rossteutscher-wessels-2013,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Faas, Thorsten and Rosar, Ulrich and Ro{\ss}teutscher, Sigrid},
  title = {Innovative Methoden in der Politikwissenschaft},
  publisher = {Gesis},
  year = 2013,
  series = {Special Issue: Methoden -- Daten -- Analysen. Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Empirische Sozialforschung},
  keywords = {meth-d},
  volume = {6},
  number = {2}
  }

• Koalitionen, Kandidaten, Kommunikation. Analysen zur Bundestagswahl 2009. Eds. Faas, Thorsten, Kai Arzheimer, Sigrid Roßteutscher, and Bernhard Weßels. Springer/VS, 2013.
  [BibTeX]

  @Book{faas-arzheimer-rossteutscher-wessels-2013,
  editor = {Faas, Thorsten and Arzheimer, Kai and Ro{\ss}teutscher, Sigrid and
  We{\ss}els, Bernhard},
  title = {Koalitionen, Kandidaten, Kommunikation. Analysen zur Bundestagswahl
  2009},
  keywords = {voting-d, gp-d},
  publisher = {Springer/VS},
  year = 2013
  }

• Information – Wahrnehmung – Emotion. Eds. Faas, Thorsten, Kai Arzheimer, and Sigrid Roßteutscher. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2010.
  [BibTeX]

  @Book{faas-arzheimer-rossteutscher-2010,
  title = {Information -- Wahrnehmung -- Emotion},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  year = 2010,
  editor = {Faas, Thorsten and Arzheimer, Kai and Ro{\ss}teutscher, Sigrid},
  keywords = {attitudes-d},
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Electoral Behaviour. Sage Library of Political Science. Eds. Arzheimer, Kai and Jocelyn Evans. Vol. I-IV. Los Angeles: Sage, 2008.
  [BibTeX]

  @Book{arzheimer-evans-2008,
  editor = {Arzheimer, Kai and Evans, Jocelyn},
  title = {Electoral Behaviour},
  publisher = {Sage},
  year = 2008,
  volume = {I-IV},
  keywords = {voting},
  series = {Sage Library of Political Science},
  address = {Los Angeles}
  }

Chapters in books

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Elektorat(e) rechter Flügelparteien.” Handbuch Rechtsextremismus. Eds. Häusler, Alexander, Cordelia Heß, Anke Hoffstad, and Florian Virchow. Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2023. . doi:10.1007/978-3-658-38373-2_24-1
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2023a,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Elektorat(e) rechter Flügelparteien},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Rechtsextremismus},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  year = 2023,
  editor = {Häusler, Alexander and Heß, Cordelia and Hoffstad, Anke and
  Virchow, Florian},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/elektorat-rechte-parteien},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-38373-2_24-1},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/waehler-rechter-parteien.pdf},
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Im Osten nichts Neues? Die elektorale Unterstützung von AfD und Linkspartei in den alten und neuen Bundesländern bei der Bundestagswahl 2021.” Wahlen und Wähler – Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagwahl 2021. Eds. Schoen, Harald and Bernhard Wessels. Wiesbaden: Springer, 2023. .
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2023c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Im Osten nichts Neues? Die elektorale Unterstützung von AfD und
  Linkspartei in den alten und neuen Bundesländern bei der
  Bundestagswahl 2021},
  booktitle = {Wahlen und Wähler - Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagwahl 2021},
  publisher = {Springer},
  year = 2023,
  editor = {Schoen, Harald and Wessels, Bernhard},
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/bundestagswahl-2021-ostdeutschland-linkspartei-afd.pdf},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/bundestagswahl-2021-ostdeutschland-linkspartei-afd/},
  dateadded = {14-11-2022}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “To Russia with love? German populist actors’ positions vis-a-vis the Kremlin.” The Impacts of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine on Right-Wing Populism in Europe. Eds. Ivaldi, Gilles and Emilia Zankina. Brussels: European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2023. 156-167. doi:10.55271/rp0020
  [BibTeX] [Abstract]
  

  Russia’s fresh attack on Ukraine and its many international and national repercussions have helped to revive the fortunes of Germany’s main radical right-wing populist party ‘Alternative for Germany’ (AfD). Worries about traditional industries, energy prices, Germany’s involvement in the war and hundreds of thousands of refugees arriving in Germany seem to have contributed to a modest rise in the polls after a long period of stagnation. However, the situation is more complicated for the AfD than it would appear at first glance. While many party leaders and the rank-and-file have long held sympathies for Putin and more generally for Russia, support for Ukraine is still strong amongst the German public, even if there is some disagreement about the right means and the acceptable costs. At least some AfD voters are appalled by the levels of Russian violence against civilians, and the party’s electorate is divided as to the right course of action. To complicate matters, like on many other issues, there is a gap in opinion between Germany’s formerly communist federal states in the East and the western half of the country. As a result, the AfD leadership needs to tread carefully or risk alienating party members and voters in the more populous western states. Beyond the AfD, the current and future consequences of the war have galvanised the larger far-right movement, particularly in the East. Moreover, they have led to further tensions in the left-wing populist “Linke” (left) party, which is traditionally pacifist and highly sceptical of NATO. The majority of the party tries to square commitment to these principles with solidarity with the victims of Russian aggression. A small but very visible faction, however, shows at least a degree of support for Russia and blames NATO and the US for the war.

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2023e,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {To Russia with love? German populist actors' positions vis-a-vis
  the Kremlin},
  booktitle = {The Impacts of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine on Right-Wing
  Populism in Europe},
  publisher = {European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS)},
  year = 2023,
  editor = {Ivaldi, Gilles and Zankina, Emilia},
  pages = {156-167},
  address = {Brussels},
  abstract = {Russia's fresh attack on Ukraine and its many international and
  national repercussions have helped to revive the fortunes of
  Germany's main radical right-wing populist party 'Alternative for
  Germany' (AfD). Worries about traditional industries, energy
  prices, Germany's involvement in the war and hundreds of thousands
  of refugees arriving in Germany seem to have contributed to a
  modest rise in the polls after a long period of stagnation.
  However, the situation is more complicated for the AfD than it
  would appear at first glance. While many party leaders and the
  rank-and-file have long held sympathies for Putin and more
  generally for Russia, support for Ukraine is still strong amongst
  the German public, even if there is some disagreement about the
  right means and the acceptable costs. At least some AfD voters are
  appalled by the levels of Russian violence against civilians, and
  the party's electorate is divided as to the right course of action.
  To complicate matters, like on many other issues, there is a gap in
  opinion between Germany's formerly communist federal states in the
  East and the western half of the country. As a result, the AfD
  leadership needs to tread carefully or risk alienating party
  members and voters in the more populous western states. Beyond the
  AfD, the current and future consequences of the war have galvanised
  the larger far-right movement, particularly in the East. Moreover,
  they have led to further tensions in the left-wing populist "Linke"
  (left) party, which is traditionally pacifist and highly sceptical
  of NATO. The majority of the party tries to square commitment to
  these principles with solidarity with the victims of Russian
  aggression. A small but very visible faction, however, shows at
  least a degree of support for Russia and blames NATO and the US for
  the war.},
  doi = {10.55271/rp0020}
  }

• Rothmund, Tobias and Kai Arzheimer. “Politische Ideologien.” Politische Psychologie. Handbuch für Studium und Wissenschaft. Eds. Zmerli, Sonja and Ofer Feldman. 2 ed. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2022. 149-173.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{rothmund-arzheimer-2022c,
  author = {Rothmund, Tobias and Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Politische Ideologien},
  booktitle = {Politische Psychologie. Handbuch für Studium und Wissenschaft},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  year = 2022,
  edition = {2},
  editor = {Zmerli, Sonja and Feldman, Ofer},
  pages = {149-173},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Comparative Political Sociology.” The Encyclopedia of Political Sociology. Eds. Grasso, Maria and Marco Giugni. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2022. 95-98.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2022b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Comparative Political Sociology},
  booktitle = {The Encyclopedia of Political Sociology},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar},
  year = 2022,
  editor = {Maria Grasso and Marco Giugni},
  address = {Cheltenham},
  dateadded = {01-02-2022},
  pages = {95-98},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/international-comparative-political-sociology},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/international-comparative-political-sociology.pdf}}

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Regionalvertretungswechsel von links nach rechts? Die Wahl von Alternative für Deutschland und Linkspartei in Ost-West-Perspektive.” Wahlen und Wähler – Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagwahl 2017. Eds. Schoen, Harald and Bernhard Wessels. Wiesbaden: Springer, 2021. 61-80. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-33582-3_4
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]
  

  Bei der Bundestagswahl 2017 zeigten sich wiedereinmal dramatische Ost-West-Unterschiede. Diese gingen vor allem auf den überdurchschnittlichen Erfolg von AfD und LINKE in den neuen Ländenr zurück. Die AfD ist vor allem in Thüringen und Sachsen besonders stark , die LINKE in Berlin, aber auch in den Stadtstaaten Bremen und Hamburg sowie in einigen westdeutschen Großstädten. Die Wahlentscheidung zugunsten beider Parteien wird sehr stark von Einstellungen zum Sozialstaat (im Falle der Linkspartei) sowie zur Zuwanderung (im Falle der AfD) bestimmt. Beide Parteien profitieren überdies von einem Gefühl der Unzufriedenheit mit dem Funktionieren der Demokratie. Sobald für diese Faktoren kontrolliert wird, zeigt sich, dass die AfD keinen davon unabhängigen “Ost-Bonus” genießt. Zugleich deuten die Modellschätzungen auf substantielle Einflüsse auf der Wahlkreisebene hin. Im Falle der Linkspartei bleibt dagegen ein substantieller Effekt des Befragungsgebietes erhalten, selbst wenn für die Einstellungen kontrolliert wird. Signifikante Differenzen zwischen den Wahlkreisen gibt es hier nicht.

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2019,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Regionalvertretungswechsel von links nach rechts? Die Wahl von
  Alternative für Deutschland und Linkspartei in
  Ost-West-Perspektive},
  booktitle = {Wahlen und Wähler - Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagwahl 2017},
  publisher = {Springer},
  year = 2021,
  data = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/Q2M1AS},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/afd-linkspartei-ostdeutschland/},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/afd-linkspartei-ostdeutschland.pdf},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-33582-3_4},
  editor = {Schoen, Harald and Wessels, Bernhard},
  pages = {61-80},
  abstract = {Bei der Bundestagswahl 2017 zeigten sich wiedereinmal dramatische Ost-West-Unterschiede. Diese gingen vor allem auf den überdurchschnittlichen Erfolg von AfD und LINKE in den neuen Ländenr zurück. Die AfD ist vor allem in Thüringen und Sachsen besonders stark , die LINKE in Berlin, aber auch in den Stadtstaaten Bremen und Hamburg sowie in einigen westdeutschen Großstädten. Die Wahlentscheidung zugunsten beider Parteien wird sehr stark von Einstellungen zum Sozialstaat (im Falle der Linkspartei) sowie zur Zuwanderung (im Falle der AfD) bestimmt. Beide Parteien profitieren überdies von einem Gefühl der Unzufriedenheit mit dem Funktionieren der Demokratie. Sobald für diese Faktoren kontrolliert wird, zeigt sich, dass die AfD keinen davon unabhängigen "Ost-Bonus" genießt. Zugleich deuten die Modellschätzungen auf substantielle Einflüsse auf der Wahlkreisebene hin. Im Falle der Linkspartei bleibt dagegen ein substantieller Effekt des Befragungsgebietes erhalten, selbst wenn für die Einstellungen kontrolliert wird. Signifikante Differenzen zwischen den Wahlkreisen gibt es hier nicht.},
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  dateadded = {01-04-2019}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Extremismus.” Politikwissenschaftliche Einstellungs- und Verhaltensforschung. Handbuch für Wissenschaft und Studium. Eds. Faas, Thorsten, Oscar W. Gabriel, and Jürgen Maier. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2020. 296-308. doi:10.5771/9783845264899
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2020,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Extremismus},
  booktitle = {Politikwissenschaftliche Einstellungs- und Verhaltensforschung.
  Handbuch für Wissenschaft und Studium},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  year = 2020,
  editor = {Faas, Thorsten and Gabriel, Oscar W. and Maier, Jürgen},
  pages = {296-308},
  doi = {10.5771/9783845264899},
  address = {Baden-Baden},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/politischer-extremismus/},
  dateadded = {09-01-2020},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/politischer-extremismus.pdf}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Explaining Electoral Support for the Radical Right.” The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right:. Ed. Rydgren, Jens. Oxford University Press, 2018. 143-165. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.8
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  The literature on the Radical Right’s electorate offers a plethora of potential explanations as to why people vote for the Radical Right. This chapter organises the presumptive causes of right-wing voting along the lines of the familiar Micro-Meso-Macro scheme, focusing on a number of landmark studies on the one hand and some of the latest research on the other. In doing so, it weighs the evidence in favour and against some prominent hypotheses about the conditions for Radical Right party success, including the pure-protest hypothesis, the charismatic-leader hypothesis, and the silent-counter-revolution hypothesis. It also discusses the existing knowledge on the effects of a host of meso- and macro-level factors, and points out some directions for further research. The chapter concludes that Radical Right mobilisation is now the rule rather than the exception, and that we should perhaps focus on understanding why they are not successful in some cases

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2017,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Explaining Electoral Support for the Radical Right},
  booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right:},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  year = {2018},
  pages = {143-165},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.8},
  abstract = {The literature on the Radical Right's electorate offers a plethora
  of potential explanations as to why people vote for the Radical
  Right. This chapter organises the presumptive causes of right-wing
  voting along the lines of the familiar Micro-Meso-Macro scheme,
  focusing on a number of landmark studies on the one hand and some
  of the latest research on the other. In doing so, it weighs the
  evidence in favour and against some prominent hypotheses about the
  conditions for Radical Right party success, including the
  pure-protest hypothesis, the charismatic-leader hypothesis, and the
  silent-counter-revolution hypothesis. It also discusses the
  existing knowledge on the effects of a host of meso- and
  macro-level factors, and points out some directions for further
  research. The chapter concludes that Radical Right mobilisation is
  now the rule rather than the exception, and that we should perhaps
  focus on understanding why they are not successful in some cases},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/explanations-radical-right-voting},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/explanations-radical-right-voting.pdf},
  editor = {Rydgren, Jens}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Conceptual Confusion is not Always a Bad Thing: The Curious Case of European Radical Right Studies.” Demokratie und Entscheidung. Eds. Marker, Karl, Michael Roseneck, Annette Schmitt, and Jürgen Sirsch. Wiesbaden: Springer, 2018. 23-40. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-24529-0_3
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2018,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Conceptual Confusion is not Always a Bad Thing: The Curious Case of
  European Radical Right Studies},
  booktitle = {Demokratie und Entscheidung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  pages = {forthcoming},
  year = 2018,
  url =
  {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/conceptual-confusion-european-radical-right-studies.pdf},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-24529-0_3},
  pages = {23-40},
  html =
  {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/conceptual-confusion-european-radical-right-studies},
  editor = {Marker, Karl and Roseneck, Michael and Schmitt, Annette and Sirsch,
  Jürgen},
  dateadded = {01-06-2018}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Psephology and Technology, or: The Rise and Rise of the Script-Kiddie.” The SAGE Handbook of Electoral Behaviour. Eds. Arzheimer, Kai, Jocelyn Evans, and Michael Lewis-Beck. Los Angeles: Sage, 2017. 972-995. doi:10.4135/9781473957978.n42
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2016,
  editor = {Arzheimer, Kai and Evans, Jocelyn and Lewis-Beck, Michael},
  booktitle = {The SAGE Handbook of Electoral Behaviour},
  publisher = {Sage},
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Psephology and Technology, or: The Rise and Rise of the
  Script-Kiddie},
  year = {2017},
  pages = {972-995},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/psephology-technology-rise-script-kiddie/},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/psephology-and-technology.pdf},
  doi = {10.4135/9781473957978.n42},
  address = {Los Angeles}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Wahlforschung in der Vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft.” Handbuch Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft. Eds. Lauth, Hans-Joachim, Marianne Kneuer, and Gert Pickel. Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2016. 427-440. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-02993-7_33-1
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2016b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Wahlforschung in der Vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  year = 2016,
  editor = {Lauth, Hans-Joachim and Kneuer, Marianne and Pickel, Gert},
  pages = {427-440},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/wahlforschung-vergleichenden-politikwissenschaft/},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/vergleichende-wahlforschung.pdf},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-02993-7_33-1},
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Wahlverhalten in Ost-West-Perspektive.” Wahlen und Wähler. Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagswahl 2013. Eds. Schoen, Harald and Bernhard Weßels. Springer VS, 2016. 71–89. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-11206-6_4
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2015e,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Wahlverhalten in Ost-West-Perspektive},
  booktitle = {Wahlen und Wähler. Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagswahl 2013},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  year = 2016,
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-11206-6_4},
  data = {https://hdl.handle.net/10.7910/DVN/GHUN4L},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/wahlverhalten-in-ost-west-perspektive-bundestagswahl-2013/},
  editor = {Schoen, Harald and Weßels, Bernhard},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/wahlverhalten-ost-west-btw-2013.pdf},
  pages = {71--89}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Der Wettbewerb zwischen Parteien der Extremen Rechten und der linken Mitte.” Bürgerinnen und Bürger im Wandel der Zeit. Eds. Roßteutscher, Sigrid, Thorsten Faas, and Ulrich Rosar. Springer VS, 2016. 17–33.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2016c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Der Wettbewerb zwischen Parteien der Extremen Rechten und der linken Mitte},
  booktitle = {Bürgerinnen und Bürger im Wandel der Zeit},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  year = 2016,
  editor = {Roßteutscher, Sigrid and Faas, Thorsten and Rosar, Ulrich},
  pages = {17--33}}

• Rothmund, Tobias and Kai Arzheimer. “Politische Ideologien.” Politische Psychologie. Handbuch für Studium und Wissenschaft. Eds. Zmerli, Sonja and Ofer Feldman. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2015. 123–143. doi:10.5771/9783845250946-123
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{rothmund-arzheimer-2015,
  author = {Rothmund, Tobias and Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Politische Ideologien},
  booktitle = {Politische Psychologie. Handbuch für Studium und Wissenschaft},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  year = 2015,
  doi = {10.5771/9783845250946-123},
  editor = {Zmerli, Sonja and Feldman, Ofer},
  pages = {123--143},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Politische Kultur und das Parteiensystem in Hessen.” Das Land Hessen. Geschichte – Gesellschaft – Politik. Eds. Röming, Angelika and Bernd Heidenreich. Kohlhammer, 2014. 147–170.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2014,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Politische Kultur und das Parteiensystem in Hessen},
  booktitle = {Das Land Hessen. Geschichte -- Gesellschaft -- Politik},
  pages = {147--170},
  keywords = {gp-state-d, voting-d, attitudes-d},
  publisher = {Kohlhammer},
  editor = {R{\"o}ming, Angelika and Heidenreich, Bernd},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/politische-kultur-parteiensystem-hessen.pdf},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/politische-kultur-parteiensystem-hessen/},
  year = 2014
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Working Class Parties 2.0? Competition between Centre Left and Extreme Right Parties.” Class Politics and the Radical Right. Ed. Rydren, Jens. London, New York: Routledge, 2013. 75–90.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  The propensity of workers to vote for the Extreme Right has risen significantly. This “proletarisation”” is the result of the interplay between a long-term dealignment process and increasing worries amongst the European working classes about the immigration of cheap labour. As a result, Western European Centre Left parties may find themselves squeezed between the New Right on the one hand and the New Left on the other. There is no obvious strategy for dealing with this dilemma. Staying put will not win working class defectors back. Toughening up immigration policies is unpalatable for many party members, does not seem to make Social Democrats more attractive for working class voters, and might eventually alienate other social groups.

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2012c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Working Class Parties 2.0? Competition between Centre Left and Extreme Right Parties},
  booktitle = {Class Politics and the Radical Right},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  year = 2013,
  pages = {75--90},
  keywords = {eurorex, cp},
  editor = {Rydren, Jens},
  abstract = {The propensity of workers to vote for the Extreme Right has risen significantly. This "proletarisation"" is the result of the interplay between a long-term dealignment process and increasing worries amongst the European working classes about the immigration of cheap labour. As a result, Western European Centre Left parties may find themselves squeezed between the New Right on the one hand and the New Left on the other. There is no obvious strategy for dealing with this dilemma. Staying put will not win working class defectors back. Toughening up immigration policies is unpalatable for many party members, does not seem to make Social Democrats more attractive for working class voters, and might eventually alienate other social groups.},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/working-class-parties-extreme-right.pdf},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/extreme-right-working-class-centre-left-competition/},
  address = {London, New York}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jürgen W. Falter. “Versöhnen statt spalten? Das Ergebnis der Bundestagswahl 2009 und die Rolle der PDS/Linkspartei in Ost-West-Perspektive.” Wahlen und Wähler. Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagswahl 2009. Eds. Weßels, Bernhard, Oscar W. Gabriel, and Harald Schoen. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2013. 118–150. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-01328-8_6
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML] [DATA]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-falter-2013,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W.},
  title = {Vers{\"o}hnen statt spalten? Das Ergebnis der Bundestagswahl 2009 und
  die Rolle der PDS/Linkspartei in Ost-West-Perspektive},
  booktitle = {Wahlen und W{\"a}hler. Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagswahl 2009},
  pages = {118--150},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  year = 2013,
  editor = {We{\ss}els, Bernhard and Gabriel, Oscar W. and Schoen, Harald},
  data = {https://thedata.harvard.edu/dvn/faces/study/StudyPage.xhtml?globalId=doi:10.7910/DVN/24650&versionNumber=1},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-01328-8_6},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/ergebnis-bundestagswahl-2009-und-die-rolle-der-pdslinkspartei-ost-west-perspektive/},
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  keywords = {voting-d, gp-d, east-west-d},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/bundestagswahl-2009-linkspartei.pdf},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Europa als Wertegemeinschaft? Ost und West im Spiegel des `Schwartz Value Inventory’.” Deutschlands Metamorphosen. Ergebnisse des European Social Survey 2002 bis 2008. Eds. Keil, Silke I. and Jan W. van Deth. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2012. 73–98.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2012b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Europa als Wertegemeinschaft? Ost und West im Spiegel des `Schwartz Value Inventory'},
  booktitle = {Deutschlands Metamorphosen. Ergebnisse des European Social Survey 2002 bis 2008},
  pages = {73--98},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  year = 2012,
  keywords = {cp-d, attitudes-d, east-west-d},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/europa-als-wertegemeinschaft/},
  url = {https://kai-arzheimer.com/werte-wertorientierungen-europa.pdf},
  editor = {Keil, Silke I. and van Deth, Jan W.},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Twenty Years After: Sozial- und wirtschaftspolitische Einstellungen von Ost- und Westdeutschen im Vergleich.” Zivile Bürgergesellschaft und Demokratie: Aktuelle Ergebnisse der empirischen Politikforschung. Festschrift für Oscar Gabriel. Wiesbaden: VS, 2012. 299–336. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-00875-8_16
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Die sozial- und wirtschaftspolitischen Einstellungen der Bürger in beiden Teilen Deutschlands unterscheiden sich vor allem im Bereich der grundlegenden Wertorientierungen. Dies deutet auf die fortdauernde Bedeutung langfristig stabiler Sozialisationseffekte hin, die möglicherweise auch in modifizierter Form an die jüngeren Generationen weitergegeben werden. Zugleich sind sich Ost- und Westdeutsche in der Wahrnehmung sozialer Probleme und in ihrer Einschätzung der Leistungsfähigkeit der Sozialsysteme weitgehend einig, obwohl sich ihre Lebensumstände nach wie vor deutlich voneinander unterscheiden. Inwieweit die real existierenden Unterschiede zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschen (wahl)politisch wirksam werden, wird deshalb mit davon abhängen, innerhalb welchen Bezugsrahmens politische Probleme und Strategien präsentiert werden.

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2012f,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Twenty Years After: Sozial- und wirtschaftspolitische Einstellungen von Ost- und Westdeutschen im Vergleich},
  booktitle = {Zivile B{\"u}rgergesellschaft und Demokratie: Aktuelle Ergebnisse der empirischen Politikforschung. Festschrift f{\"u}r Oscar Gabriel},
  publisher = {VS},
  year = 2012,
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  keywords = {east-west-d, cp-d, attitudes-d},
  abstract = {Die sozial- und wirtschaftspolitischen Einstellungen der B{\"u}rger in beiden Teilen Deutschlands unterscheiden sich vor allem im Bereich der grundlegenden Wertorientierungen. Dies deutet auf die fortdauernde Bedeutung langfristig stabiler Sozialisationseffekte hin, die m{\"o}glicherweise auch in modifizierter Form an die j{\"u}ngeren Generationen weitergegeben werden. Zugleich sind sich Ost- und Westdeutsche in der Wahrnehmung sozialer Probleme und in ihrer Einsch{\"a}tzung der Leistungsf{\"a}higkeit der Sozialsysteme weitgehend einig, obwohl sich ihre Lebensumst{\"a}nde nach wie vor deutlich voneinander unterscheiden. Inwieweit die real existierenden Unterschiede zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschen (wahl)politisch wirksam werden, wird deshalb mit davon abh{\"a}ngen, innerhalb welchen Bezugsrahmens politische Probleme und Strategien pr{\"a}sentiert werden.},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/twenty-years-after-sozial-und-wirtschaftspolitische-einstellungen-von-ost-und-westdeutschen-im-vergleich},
  url =
  {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/sozial-und-wirtschaftspolitische-einstellungen-ostdeutsche-westdeutsche.pdf},
  pages = {299--336},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-00875-8_16}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Mikrodeterminanten des Wahlverhaltens: Parteiidentifikation.” Wählerverhalten in der Demokratie. Eine Einführung. Eds. Gabriel, Oscar W. and Bettina Westle. Studienkurs Politikwissenschaft. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2012. 223–246.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  While its salience and prevalence has declined over the last few decades, party identification remains an important predictor of vote choice in Germany – more so in the West than in Eastern Germany

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2012g,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Mikrodeterminanten des Wahlverhaltens: Parteiidentifikation},
  booktitle = {W{\"a}hlerverhalten in der Demokratie. Eine Einf{\"u}hrung},
  pages = {223--246},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  abstract = {While its salience and prevalence has declined over the last few decades, party identification remains an important predictor of vote choice in Germany - more so in the West than in Eastern Germany},
  keywords = {attitudes-d, voting-d, gp-d},
  year = 2012,
  editor = {Gabriel, Oscar W. and Westle, Bettina},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/mikrodeterminanten-wahlverhalten-parteiidentifikation/},
  series = {Studienkurs Politikwissenschaft},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/parteiidentifikation-deutschland.pdf},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Arbeiter, Arbeitslose, Asylbewerber. Die Wahl der Extremen Rechten heute im Lichte der Ergebnisse historischer Wahlforschung.” Politik – Wissenschaft – Medien. Festschrift für Jürgen Falter zum 65. Geburtstag. Eds. Kaspar, Hanna, Harald Schoen, Siegfried Schumann, and Jürgen R. Winkler. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2009. 15–32.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2009c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Arbeiter, Arbeitslose, Asylbewerber. Die Wahl der Extremen Rechten heute im Lichte der Ergebnisse historischer Wahlforschung},
  editor = {Kaspar, Hanna and Schoen, Harald and Schumann, Siegfried and Winkler, J{\"u}rgen R.},
  booktitle = {Politik -- Wissenschaft -- Medien. Festschrift f{\"u}r J{\"u}rgen Falter zum 65. Geburtstag},
  keywords = {voting-d, eurorex-d},
  pages = {15--32},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/arbeiter-arbeitslose-asylbewerber.pdf},
  year = 2009
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Mehr Nutzen als Schaden? Wirkung von Gewichtungsverfahren.” Vom Interview zur Analyse. Methodische Aspekte der Einstellungs- und Wahlforschung. Eds. Schoen, Harald, Hans Rattinger, and Oscar W. Gabriel. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009. 361–388.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2009d,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Mehr Nutzen als Schaden? Wirkung von Gewichtungsverfahren},
  booktitle = {Vom Interview zur Analyse. Methodische Aspekte der Einstellungs- und Wahlforschung},
  pages = {361--388},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  keywords = {meth-d},
  year = 2009,
  editor = {Schoen, Harald and Rattinger, Hans and Gabriel, Oscar W.},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Ideologien.” Politische Soziologie. Ein Studienbuch. Eds. Kaina, Viktoria and Andrea Römmele. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2008. 83–108.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2008b,
  editor = {Kaina, Viktoria and R{\"o}mmele, Andrea},
  booktitle = {Politische Soziologie. Ein Studienbuch},
  title = {Ideologien},
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  publisher = {VS Verlag},
  year = 2008,
  keywords = {voting-d, attitudes-d},
  pages = {83--108},
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “`Buten un binnen – wagen un winnen’. Bundespolitische Einflüsse auf die Wahlen zur Bremischen Bürgerschaft.” Wähler und Landtagswahlen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Eds. Völkl, Kerstin, Kai-Uwe Schnapp, Everhard Holtmann, and Oscar W. Gabriel. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2008. 121–148.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2008e,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {`Buten un binnen -- wagen un winnen'. Bundespolitische Einfl{\"u}sse auf die Wahlen zur Bremischen B{\"u}rgerschaft},
  booktitle = {W{\"a}hler und Landtagswahlen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  pages = {121--148},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  year = 2008,
  editor = {V{\"o}lkl, Kerstin and Schnapp, Kai-Uwe and Holtmann, Everhard and Gabriel, Oscar W.},
  keywords = {gp-state-d},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Die Wahl extremistischer Parteien.” Der gesamtdeutsche Wähler. Stabilität und Wandel des Wählerverhaltens im wiedervereinigten Deutschland. Eds. Rattinger, Hans, Oscar W. Gabriel, and Jürgen W. Falter. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2007. 67–86.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2007,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer},
  title = {Die Wahl extremistischer Parteien},
  pages = {67--86},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  editor = {Hans Rattinger and Oscar W. Gabriel and J{\"u}rgen W. Falter},
  keywords = {voting-d, rex-d, cp-d},
  booktitle = {Der gesamtdeutsche W{\"a}hler. Stabilit{\"a}t und Wandel des W{\"a}hlerverhaltens im wiedervereinigten Deutschland},
  year = 2007,
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “The American Voter.” Schlüsselwerke der Politikwissenschaft. Ed. Kailitz, Steffen. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2007. 67–72.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2007b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {The American Voter},
  booktitle = {Schl{\"u}sselwerke der Politikwissenschaft},
  pages = {67--72},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  year = 2007,
  editor = {Kailitz, Steffen},
  keywords = {voting-d},
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Tatjana Rudi. “Wertorientierungen und ideologische Einstellungen.” Der gesamtdeutsche Wähler. Stabilität und Wandel des Wählerverhaltens im wiedervereinigten Deutschland. Eds. Rattinger, Hans, Oscar W. Gabriel, and Jürgen W. Falter. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2007. 167-187.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-rudi-2007,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Rudi, Tatjana},
  title = {Wertorientierungen und ideologische Einstellungen},
  pages = {167-187},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  keywords = {cp-d, gp-d, attitudes-d, east-west-d},
  editor = {Rattinger, Hans and Gabriel, Oscar W. and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W.},
  booktitle = {Der gesamtdeutsche W{\"a}hler. Stabilit{\"a}t und Wandel des W{\"a}hlerverhaltens im wiedervereinigten Deutschland},
  year = 2007,
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Harald Schoen. “Mehr als eine Erinnerung an das 19. Jahrhundert? Das sozioökonomische und das religiös-konfessionelle Cleavage und Wahlverhalten 1994-2005.” Der gesamtdeutsche Wähler. Stabilität und Wandel des Wählerverhaltens im wiedervereinigten Deutschland. Eds. Rattinger, Hans, Oscar W. Gabriel, and Jürgen W. Falter. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2007. 89–112. doi:10.5771/9783845200873-86
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-schoen-2007b,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and Harald Schoen},
  title = {Mehr als eine Erinnerung an das 19. Jahrhundert? Das
  sozio{\"o}konomische und das religi{\"o}s-konfessionelle Cleavage
  und Wahlverhalten 1994-2005},
  pages = {89--112},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  editor = {Hans Rattinger and Oscar W. Gabriel and J{\"u}rgen W. Falter},
  keywords = {gp-d, voting-d},
  booktitle = {Der gesamtdeutsche W{\"a}hler. Stabilit{\"a}t und Wandel des
  W{\"a}hlerverhaltens im wiedervereinigten Deutschland},
  year = 2007,
  doi = {10.5771/9783845200873-86},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Berühren sich die Extreme? Ein empirischer Vergleich von Personen mit extrem linken und extrem rechten Einstellungen in Europa.” Gefährdungen der Freiheit. Extremistische Ideologien im Vergleich. Eds. Backes, Uwe and Eckhard Jesse. Göttingen: Vandehoeck & Ruprecht, 2006. 253–281.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2006b,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer},
  title = {Ber{\"u}hren sich die Extreme? Ein empirischer Vergleich von Personen mit extrem linken und extrem rechten Einstellungen in Europa},
  pages = {253--281},
  publisher = {Vandehoeck \& Ruprecht},
  keywords = {cp-d, attitudes-d, east-west-d},
  editor = {Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse},
  booktitle = {Gef{\"a}hrdungen der Freiheit. Extremistische Ideologien im Vergleich},
  year = 2006,
  address = {G{\"o}ttingen}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Jung, dynamisch, Nichtwähler? Der Einfluß von Lebensalter und Kohortenzugehörigkeit auf die Wahlbereitschaft.” `Voll normal’. Der Beitrag der politischen Soziologie zur Jugendforschung. Eds. Roller, Edeltraud, Frank Brettschneider, and Jan van Deth. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006. 317–335.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2006c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Jung, dynamisch, Nichtw{\"a}hler? Der Einflu{\ss} von Lebensalter und Kohortenzugeh{\"o}rigkeit auf die Wahlbereitschaft },
  booktitle = {`Voll normal'. Der Beitrag der politischen Soziologie zur Jugendforschung},
  pages = {317--335},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  keywords = {gp-d, voting-d},
  year = 2006,
  editor = {Roller, Edeltraud and Brettschneider, Frank and van Deth, Jan},
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Von `Westalgie’ und `Zonenkindern’. Die Rolle der jungen Generation im Prozeß der Vereinigung.” Sind wir ein Volk? Ost- und Westdeutschland im Vergleich. Eds. Falter, Jürgen W., Oscar W. Gabriel, and Hans Rattinger. München: Beck, 2006. 212–234.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2006d,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Von `Westalgie' und `Zonenkindern'. Die Rolle der jungen Generation im Proze{\ss} der Vereinigung},
  booktitle = {Sind wir ein Volk? Ost- und Westdeutschland im Vergleich},
  pages = {212--234},
  publisher = {Beck},
  year = 2006,
  keywords = {gp-d, east-west-d, cp-d},
  editor = {Falter, J{\"u}rgen W. and Gabriel, Oscar W. and Rattinger, Hans},
  address = {M{\"u}nchen}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Die Wahl extremistischer Parteien.” Handbuch Wahlforschung. Eds. Falter, Jürgen W. and Harald Schoen. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005. 389–421.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2005,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Die Wahl extremistischer Parteien},
  pages = {389--421},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  editor = {Falter, J{\"u}rgen W. and Schoen, Harald},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Wahlforschung},
  keywords = {rex-d, voting-d, gp-d},
  year = 2005,
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “`Politikverdrossenheit’ – eine Frage der Persönlichkeit? Der Zusammenhang zwischen Persönlichkeitsfaktoren und Verdrossenheitseinstellungen.” Eds. Schumann, Siegfried and Harald Schoen. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005. 193–207.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2005b,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer},
  title = {`Politikverdrossenheit' - eine Frage der Pers{\"o}nlichkeit? Der Zusammenhang zwischen Pers{\"o}nlichkeitsfaktoren und Verdrossenheitseinstellungen},
  pages = {193--207},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  editor = {Siegfried Schumann and Harald Schoen},
  keywords = {attitudes-d, alienation-d},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/pollitikverdrossenheit-und-persoenlichkeit/politikverdrossenheit-und-persoenlichkeit.pdf}
  booktitle = {Pers{\"o}nlichkeit. Eine vergessene Gr{\"o}{\ss}e der empirischen Sozialforschung},
  year = 2005,
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “`Freiheit oder Sozialismus?’ Gesellschaftliche Wertorientierungen, Staatszielvorstellungen und Ideologien im Ost-West-Vergleich.” Wächst zusammen, was zusammen gehört?. Eds. Gabriel, Oscar W., Jürgen W. Falter, and Hans Rattinger. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2005. 285–313.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2005c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {`Freiheit oder Sozialismus?' Gesellschaftliche Wertorientierungen, Staatszielvorstellungen und Ideologien im Ost-West-Vergleich},
  booktitle = {W{\"a}chst zusammen, was zusammen geh{\"o}rt?},
  pages = {285--313},
  keywords = {cp-d, attitudes-d, gp-d, east-west-d},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  year = 2005,
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/Freiheit-oder-Sozialismus.pdf},
  editor = {Gabriel, Oscar W. and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W. and Rattinger, Hans},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jürgen W. Falter. “Goodbye Lenin? Bundes- und Landtagswahlen seit 1990: eine Ost-West-Perspektive.” Wahlen und Wähler. Analysen aus Anlaß der Bundestagswahl 2002. Eds. Falter, Jürgen W., Oscar W. Gabriel, and Bernhard Weßels. Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005. 244–283.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-falter-2005,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and J{\"u}rgen W. Falter},
  title = {Goodbye Lenin? Bundes- und Landtagswahlen seit 1990: eine Ost-West-Perspektive},
  pages = {244--283},
  publisher = {Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  editor = {J{\"u}rgen W. Falter and Oscar W. Gabriel and Bernhard We{\ss}els},
  booktitle = {Wahlen und W{\"a}hler. Analysen aus Anla{\ss} der Bundestagswahl 2002},
  keywords = {voting-d, gp-d, east-west-d},
  year = 2005,
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Annette Schmitt. “Der ökonomische Ansatz.” Handbuch Wahlforschung. Eds. Falter, Jürgen W. and Harald Schoen. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005. 243–303.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-schmitt-2005,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and Annette Schmitt},
  title = {Der {\"o}konomische Ansatz},
  pages = {243--303},
  publisher = {VS Verlag f{\"u}r Sozialwissenschaften},
  keywords = {voting-d},
  editor = {J{\"u}rgen W. Falter and Harald Schoen},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Wahlforschung},
  year = 2005,
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jürgen W. Falter. “Wahlen.” Demokratien des 21. Jahrhunderts im Vergleich. Historische Zugänge, Gegenwartsprobleme, Reformperspektiven. Eds. Jesse, Eckhard and Roland Sturm. Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2003. 289–312.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-falter-2003,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and J{\"u}rgen W. Falter},
  title = {Wahlen},
  pages = {289--312},
  publisher = {Leske und Budrich},
  editor = {Eckhard Jesse and Roland Sturm},
  booktitle = {Demokratien des 21. Jahrhunderts im Vergleich. Historische Zug{\"a}nge, Gegenwartsprobleme, Reformperspektiven},
  keywords = {voting-d},
  year = 2003,
  address = {Opladen}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jürgen W. Falter. “Die Pathologie des Normalen. Eine Anwendung des Scheuch-Klingemann-Modells zur Erklärung rechtsextremen Denkens und Verhaltens.” Bürger und Demokratie in Ost und West. Studien zur politischen Kultur und zum politischen Prozeß. Eds. Fuchs, Dieter, Edeltraud Roller, and Bernhard Weßels. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2002. 85–107.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-falter-2002b,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and J{\"u}rgen W. Falter},
  title = {Die Pathologie des Normalen. Eine Anwendung des Scheuch-Klingemann-Modells zur Erkl{\"a}rung rechtsextremen Denkens und Verhaltens},
  pages = {85--107},
  publisher = {Westdeutscher Verlag},
  editor = {Dieter Fuchs and Edeltraud Roller and Bernhard We{\ss}els},
  booktitle = {B{\"u}rger und Demokratie in Ost und West. Studien zur politischen Kultur und zum politischen Proze{\ss}},
  year = 2002,
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  keywords = {rex-d}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai, Harald Schoen, and Jürgen W. Falter. “Rechtsextreme Orientierungen und Wahlverhalten.” Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Eine Bilanz. Eds. Stöss, Richard and Wilfried Schubarth. Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2001. 220-245.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-schoen-falter-2001,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Schoen, Harald and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W.},
  title = {Rechtsextreme Orientierungen und Wahlverhalten},
  pages = {220-245},
  publisher = {Leske und Budrich},
  keywords = {gp-d, rex-d},
  editor = {St{\"o}ss, Richard and Schubarth, Wilfried},
  booktitle = {Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Eine Bilanz},
  year = 2001,
  address = {Opladen}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “50 Jahre Wahlen in Rheinland-Pfalz.” Politische Kultur in Rheinland-Pfalz. Eds. Sarcinelli, Ulrich, Jürgen W. Falter, Gerd Mielke, and Bodo Benzner. Mainz und München: von Hase & Koehler, 2000. 229-254.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [Download PDF] [HTML]
  

  Im Verlauf der Analysen hat sich gezeigt, daß für die Wahlen in Rheinland-Pfalz seit Gründung des Landes die starke Stellung der Union charakteristisch war. Dies gilt sowohl für Bundestags- als auch für Landtagswahlen. Eine plausible Erklärung für dieses sehr stabile Muster ist die historisch begründete enge Bindung zwischen der CDU und der katholischen Bevölkerungsmehrheit, die bis in die 80er Jahre hinein mehrheitlich für die Union votierte, den Christdemokraten damit eine relative Mehrheitsposition sicherte und somit für überaus stabile politische Verhältnisse sorgte. Obwohl sich die konfessionelle Polarisierung im Lande bis heute nachweisen läßt, wurde die Union seit dem Ende der 60er Jahre zunehmend auch für protestantische Rheinland-Pfälzer wählbar – erstmals gelang der Partei der Ausbruch aus dem katholischen „Turm”, zu dem Julius Bachem bereits 1906 aufgerufen hatte. Durch eine Mobilisierung evangelischer Wähler konnte sie ihre soziale Basis so weit verbreitern, daß sie über einige Legislaturperioden hinweg die absolute Mehrheit der Stimmen erreichte. Gleichzeitig müssen sich jedoch die traditionellen Bindungen der katholischen Wähler an ihre Partei gelockert haben, da aus einer Reihe von Fehlleistungen der CDU dramatische Verluste resultierten, deren absolutes Ausmaß bislang durch die sinkende Wahlbeteiligung verdeckt wurden. Unter diesen Umständen ist davon auszugehen, daß das Wahlverhalten der Rheinland-Pfälzer in Zukunft weit weniger stabil und berechenbar sein wird als in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten.

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2000,
  year = 2000,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {50 Jahre Wahlen in Rheinland-Pfalz},
  editor = {Ulrich Sarcinelli and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W. and Gerd Mielke and Bodo Benzner},
  publisher = {von Hase \& Koehler},
  address = {Mainz und M{\"u}nchen},
  keywords = {gp-d,gp-state-d,voting-d},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/50-jahre-wahlen-in-rheinland-pfalz/},
  booktitle = {Politische Kultur in Rheinland-Pfalz},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/RPL-Wahlen/RPL-Wahlen.pdf},
  abstract = {Im Verlauf der Analysen hat sich gezeigt, daß für die Wahlen in Rheinland-Pfalz seit Gründung des Landes die starke Stellung der Union charakteristisch war. Dies gilt sowohl für Bundestags- als auch für Landtagswahlen. Eine plausible Erklärung für dieses sehr stabile Muster ist die historisch begründete enge Bindung zwischen der CDU und der katholischen Bevölkerungsmehrheit, die bis in die 80er Jahre hinein mehrheitlich für die Union votierte, den Christdemokraten damit eine relative Mehrheitsposition sicherte und somit für überaus stabile politische Verhältnisse sorgte.
  Obwohl sich die konfessionelle Polarisierung im Lande bis heute nachweisen läßt, wurde die Union seit dem Ende der 60er Jahre zunehmend auch für protestantische Rheinland-Pfälzer wählbar – erstmals gelang der Partei der Ausbruch aus dem katholischen „Turm”, zu dem Julius Bachem bereits 1906 aufgerufen hatte. Durch eine Mobilisierung evangelischer Wähler konnte sie ihre soziale Basis so weit verbreitern, daß sie über einige Legislaturperioden hinweg die absolute Mehrheit der Stimmen erreichte.
  Gleichzeitig müssen sich jedoch die traditionellen Bindungen der katholischen Wähler an ihre Partei gelockert haben, da aus einer Reihe von Fehlleistungen der CDU dramatische Verluste resultierten, deren absolutes Ausmaß bislang durch die sinkende Wahlbeteiligung verdeckt wurden. Unter diesen Umständen ist davon auszugehen, daß das Wahlverhalten der Rheinland-Pfälzer in Zukunft weit weniger stabil und berechenbar sein wird als in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten.},
  pages = {229-254},
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Markus Klein. “Gesellschaftspolitische Wertorientierungen und Staatszielvorstellungen im Ost-West-Vergleich.” Wirklich ein Volk? Die politischen Orientierungen von Ost- und Westdeutschen im Vergleich. Eds. Falter, Jürgen W., Oscar W. Gabriel, and Hans Rattinger. Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2000. 363-402.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  Ausgangspunkt unserer Analyse war die Frage, in welchem Umfang sich Ost- und Westdeutscher am Ende der 90er Jahre hinsichtlich der von ihnen präferierten gesellschaftspolitischen Werte und Staatsziele unterscheiden. Es zeigte sich, daß gemäß den Erwartungen der Sozialisationshypothese nach wie vor erheblich Ost-West-Differenzen bestehen. Obwohl demokratisch-pluralistische Normen auch in den neuen Ländern weithin akzeptiert werden, sind die demokratischen Werte in Ostdeutschland weniger tief verankert als in den alten Ländern, was in einem gewissen Widerspruch zu früheren Befunden steht. Dramatische Unterschiede bestehen darüber hinaus bei der Bewertung der sozialistischen Idee, die im Osten weiterhin breite Zustimmung findet. Bei multivariater Betrachtung der Querschnittsdaten von 1998 zeigt sich, daß neben der Region, in der die Befragten sozialisiert wurden, auch die Generationenzugehörigkeit und die formale Bildung einen deutlichen Einfluß auf die jeweiligen Wertorientierungen haben. Insbesondere ist über alle untersuchten Wertorientierungen hinweg unter den formal hochgebildeten Angehörigen der jüngsten Generation, die von Claus Leggewie und anderen plakativ als „89er“ bezeichnet wurden, eine fast vollständige Annäherung zwischen Ost und West zu verzeichnen. Darüber hinaus deuten unsere Ergebnisse darauf hin, daß bei der demokratischen Sozialisation der jungen Ostdeutschen mit einer niedrigen formalen Bildung erhebliche Defizite bestehen, die gerade vor dem Hintergrund der hohen Gewaltbereitschaft unter ostdeutschen Jugendlichen als höchst problematisch gelten müssen.

  @InCollection{arzheimer-klein-2000,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Klein, Markus},
  title = {Gesellschaftspolitische Wertorientierungen und Staatszielvorstellungen im Ost-West-Vergleich},
  pages = {363-402},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/gesellschaftspolitische-wertorientierungen-staatszielvorstellungen-ost-west/},
  abstract = {Ausgangspunkt unserer Analyse war die Frage, in welchem Umfang sich Ost- und Westdeutscher am Ende der 90er Jahre hinsichtlich der von ihnen präferierten gesellschaftspolitischen Werte und Staatsziele unterscheiden. Es zeigte sich, daß gemäß den Erwartungen der Sozialisationshypothese nach wie vor erheblich Ost-West-Differenzen bestehen. Obwohl demokratisch-pluralistische Normen auch in den neuen Ländern weithin akzeptiert werden, sind die demokratischen Werte in Ostdeutschland weniger tief verankert als in den alten Ländern, was in einem gewissen Widerspruch zu früheren Befunden steht. Dramatische Unterschiede bestehen darüber hinaus bei der Bewertung der sozialistischen Idee, die im Osten weiterhin breite Zustimmung findet. Bei multivariater Betrachtung der Querschnittsdaten von 1998 zeigt sich, daß neben der Region, in der die Befragten sozialisiert wurden, auch die Generationenzugehörigkeit und die formale Bildung einen deutlichen Einfluß auf die jeweiligen Wertorientierungen haben. Insbesondere ist über alle untersuchten Wertorientierungen hinweg unter den formal hochgebildeten Angehörigen der jüngsten Generation, die von Claus Leggewie und anderen plakativ als „89er“ bezeichnet wurden, eine fast vollständige Annäherung zwischen Ost und West zu verzeichnen. Darüber hinaus deuten unsere Ergebnisse darauf hin, daß bei der demokratischen Sozialisation der jungen Ostdeutschen mit einer niedrigen formalen Bildung erhebliche Defizite bestehen, die gerade vor dem Hintergrund der hohen Gewaltbereitschaft unter ostdeutschen Jugendlichen als höchst problematisch gelten müssen.},
  pdf = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/ost-west-2000/Aufsatz.pdf},
  publisher = {Leske und Budrich},
  keywords = {gp-d, attitudes-d, east-west-d},
  editor = {Falter, J{\"u}rgen W. and Gabriel, Oscar W. and Rattinger, Hans},
  booktitle = {Wirklich ein Volk? Die politischen Orientierungen von Ost- und Westdeutschen im Vergleich},
  year = 2000,
  address = {Opladen}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Markus Klein. “Die Conjoint-Analyse als Instrument der empirischen Wahlforschung. Eine Projektbeschreibung.” Die Republik auf dem Weg zur Normalität? Wahlverhalten und politische Einstellungen nach acht Jahren Einheit. Eds. van Deth, Jan, Hans Rattinger, and Edeltraud Roller. Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 2000. 385–410.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-klein-2000b,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and Markus Klein},
  title = {Die Conjoint-Analyse als Instrument der empirischen Wahlforschung. Eine Projektbeschreibung},
  pages = {385--410},
  publisher = {Leske und Budrich},
  editor = {Jan van Deth and Hans Rattinger and Edeltraud Roller},
  keywords = {meth-d},
  booktitle = {Die Republik auf dem Weg zur Normalit{\"a}t? Wahlverhalten und politische Einstellungen nach acht Jahren Einheit},
  year = 2000,
  address = {Opladen}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai, Markus Klein, and Jürgen W. Falter. “Läßt sich die Total-Design-Methode auch auf Panel-Befragungen anwenden? Ein Projektbereicht.” Wahlen und Politikvermittlung durch Massenmedien. Eds. Bohrmann, Hans, Otfried Jarren, and Gabriele Melischk. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2000. 235–247.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-klein-falter-2000,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Klein, Markus and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W.},
  title = {L{\"a}{\ss}t sich die Total-Design-Methode auch auf Panel-Befragungen anwenden? Ein Projektbereicht},
  booktitle = {Wahlen und Politikvermittlung durch Massenmedien},
  pages = {235--247},
  publisher = {Westdeutscher Verlag},
  keywords = {meth-d},
  year = 2000,
  editor = {Bohrmann, Hans and Jarren, Otfried and Melischk, Gabriele},
  address = {Wiesbaden}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Markus Klein. “Liberalismus, Rechtsradikalismus und Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland und Österreich. Bestandsaufnahmen und Zukunftsszenarien.” Wahlen und politische Einstellungen in Deutschland und Österreich. Eds. Plasser, Fritz, Oscar W. Gabriel, Jürgen W. Falter, and Peter Ulram. Frankfurt/Main: Lang, 1999. 31–63.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-klein-1999b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Klein, Markus},
  title = {Liberalismus, Rechtsradikalismus und Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland und {\"O}sterreich. Bestandsaufnahmen und Zukunftsszenarien},
  booktitle = {Wahlen und politische Einstellungen in Deutschland und {\"O}sterreich},
  pages = {31--63},
  publisher = {Lang},
  keywords = {cp-d, eurorex-d},
  year = 1999,
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/fpoe/fpoe.pdf},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/liberalismus-rechtsradikalismus-und-rechtspopulismus-deutschland-und-osterreich/},
  editor = {Plasser, Fritz and Gabriel, Oscar W. and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W. and Ulram, Peter},
  address = {Frankfurt/Main}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Markus Klein. “Die Wähler der REP und der PDS in West- und Ostdeutschland.” Jahrbuch Extremismus und Demokratie. Eds. Backes, Uwe and Eckhard Jesse. Vol. 9. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1997. 39–63.
  [BibTeX] [Abstract] [HTML]
  

  Die Wähler beider Parteien weisen deutliche Deprivationsgefühle auf. Für die Wähler der Republikaner gilt, daß sie sich durch gesellschaftliche und ökonomische Modernisierungsprozesse bedroht sehen. Bei den Wählern der PDS hingegen handelt es sich vor allem um Personen, deren gesellschaftliche Wertorientierung mit der Demokratie in der Bundesrepublik nur bedingt kompatibel sind.

  @InCollection{arzheimer-klein-1997,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and Markus Klein},
  title = {Die W{\"a}hler der REP und der PDS in West- und Ostdeutschland},
  pages = {39--63},
  volume = 9,
  publisher = {Nomos},
  editor = {Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse},
  booktitle = {Jahrbuch Extremismus und Demokratie},
  year = 1997,
  keywords = {east-west-d, rex-d, cp-d},
  abstract = {Die W{\"a}hler beider Parteien weisen deutliche Deprivationsgef{\"u}hle auf. F{\"u}r die W{\"a}hler der Republikaner gilt, da{\ss} sie sich durch gesellschaftliche und {\"o}konomische Modernisierungsprozesse bedroht sehen. Bei den W{\"a}hlern der PDS hingegen handelt es sich vor allem um Personen, deren gesellschaftliche Wertorientierung mit der Demokratie in der Bundesrepublik nur bedingt kompatibel sind.},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/die-wahler-der-republikaner-und-der-pds-west-und-ostdeutschland/},
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

Short articles, book reviews, and other publications

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Book Review: Die Alternative fuer Deutschland. Programmatik, Entwicklung und politische Verortung.” German Politics 26 (2017): online first. doi:10.1080/09644008.2016.1269499
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @Article{arzheimer-2017c,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Book Review: Die Alternative fuer Deutschland. Programmatik,
  Entwicklung und politische Verortung},
  journal = {German Politics},
  year = 2017,
  volume = 26,
  pages = {online first},
  keywords = {AfD},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/book-review-afd/},
  dateadded = {07-02-2017},
  doi = {10.1080/09644008.2016.1269499}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “(Kein) Handbuch Rechtsextremismus (review).” Jahrbuch Extremismus und Demokratie. Eds. Backes, Uwe, Alexander Gallus, and Eckhard Jesse. Vol. 29. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2017. 352-354.
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2017d,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {(Kein) Handbuch Rechtsextremismus (review)},
  booktitle = {Jahrbuch Extremismus und Demokratie},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  editor = {Uwe Backes and Alexander Gallus and Eckhard Jesse},
  address = {Baden-Baden},
  year = 2017,
  volume = 29,
  pages = {352-354},
  dateadded = {07-12-2018},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/rezension-handbuch-rechtsextremismus-virchow-et-al/}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Sammelbesprechung aktueller Monographien zur AfD.” Politische Vierteljahresschrift 56.4 (2015): 702-705.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @Article{arzheimer-2015g,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Sammelbesprechung aktueller Monographien zur AfD},
  journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
  year = 2015,
  volume = 56,
  number = 4,
  pages = {702-705},
  url = {http://www.nomos-elibrary.de/10.5771/0032-3470-2015-4-702/politisches-system-deutschland-jahrgang-56-2015-heft-4?page=1},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/rezension-monografien-afd/},
  dateadded = {28-09-2016}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Linksextremismus im europäischen Vergleich: methodisch aufwendige, theoretisch zu enge Studie (Rezension).” Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 45.4 (2014): 927–928.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-2014b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Linksextremismus im europ{\"a}ischen Vergleich: methodisch aufwendige,
  theoretisch zu enge Studie (Rezension)},
  journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Parlamentsfragen},
  year = 2014,
  volume = 45,
  number = 4,
  pages = {927--928}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai, Thorsten Faas, Ulrich Rosar, and Sigrid Roßteutscher. “Vorwort.” Innovative Methoden in der Politikwissenschaft. Eds. Arzheimer, Kai, Thorsten Faas, Ulrich Rosar, and Sigrid Roßteutscher. Vol. 6. Special Issue: Methoden – Daten – Analysen. Zeitschrift für Empirische Sozialforschung. Gesis, 2013. 69–72.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-faas-rosar-rossteutscher-2013,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Faas, Thorsten and Rosar, Ulrich and Ro{\ss}teutscher, Sigrid},
  title = {Vorwort},
  booktitle = {Innovative Methoden in der Politikwissenschaft},
  series = {Special Issue: Methoden -- Daten -- Analysen. Zeitschrift f{\"u}r
  Empirische Sozialforschung},
  volume = 6,
  number = 2,
  keywords = {meth-d},
  publisher = {Gesis},
  year = 2013,
  editor = {Arzheimer, Kai and Faas, Thorsten and Rosar, Ulrich and Ro{\ss}teutscher, Sigrid},
  pages = {69--72}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Gideon Botsch, Geschichte des Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland in sechs handlichen Kapiteln [Rezensionsessay].” Jahrbuch Extremismus und Demokratie. Eds. Backes, Uwe, Alexander Gallus, and Eckhard Jesse. Vol. 25. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2013. 275–278.
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2013,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Gideon Botsch, Geschichte des Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland in sechs handlichen Kapiteln [Rezensionsessay]},
  booktitle = {Jahrbuch Extremismus und Demokratie},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  year = 2013,
  pages = {275--278},
  keywords = {rex-d},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/rechtsextremismus-deutschland-rezensionsessay/},
  editor = {Backes, Uwe and Gallus, Alexander and Jesse, Eckhard},
  volume = 25,
  address = {Baden-Baden}
  }

• Faas, Thorsten, Kai Arzheimer, Sigrid Roßteutscher, and Bernhard Weßels. “Die (un)gewöhnliche Bundestagswahl vom 27. September 2009.” Koalitionen, Kandidaten, Kommunikation. Analysen zur Bundestagswahl 2009. Eds. Faas, Thorsten, Kai Arzheimer, Sigrid Roßteutscher, and Bernhard Weßels. Springer/VS, 2013. 7–14.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{faas-et-al-2013b,
  author = {Faas, Thorsten and Arzheimer, Kai and Ro{\ss}teutscher, Sigrid and
  We{\ss}els, Bernhard},
  title = {Die (un)gew{\"o}hnliche Bundestagswahl vom 27. September 2009},
  booktitle = {Koalitionen, Kandidaten, Kommunikation. Analysen zur Bundestagswahl
  2009},
  publisher = {Springer/VS},
  keywords = {voting-d, gp-d},
  year = 2013,
  editor = {Faas, Thorsten and Arzheimer, Kai and Ro{\ss}teutscher, Sigrid and
  We{\ss}els, Bernhard},
  pages = {7--14}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Book Review: Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europ, by David Art.” West European Politics 35.5 (2012): 1208–1209. doi:10.1080/01402382.2012.706421
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @Article{arzheimer-2012e,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Book Review: Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europ, by David Art},
  journal = {West European Politics},
  keywords = {eurorex},
  year = 2012,
  volume = 35,
  number = 5,
  pages = {1208--1209},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/review-david-art-inside-the-radical-right-2011/},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2012.706421}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Radical Attitudes.” International Encyclopedia of Political Science. Eds. Badie, Bertrand, Dirk Berg-Schlosser, and Leonardo Morlino. Sage, 2011. .
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2011b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Radical Attitudes},
  keywords = {attitudes-e},
  booktitle = {International Encyclopedia of Political Science},
  publisher = {Sage},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/radical-attitudes/},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/radical-attitudes.pdf},
  year = 2011,
  editor = {Badie, Bertrand and Berg-Schlosser, Dirk and Morlino, Leonardo}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Politikverdrossenheit.” Lexikon der Politikwissenschaft. Eds. Nohlen, Dieter and Rainer-Olaf Schulze. Vol. 2, N-Z. München: Beck, 2010. .
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2010a,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Politikverdrossenheit},
  booktitle = {Lexikon der Politikwissenschaft},
  publisher = {Beck},
  year = 2010,
  editor = {Nohlen, Dieter and Rainer-Olaf Schulze},
  keywords = {attitudes-d, alienation-d},
  volume = {2, N-Z},
  address = {M{\"u}nchen},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/stichwort-politikverdrossenheit/}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Fringe Parties.” The Encyclopedia of Political Science. Eds. Kurian, George T., James E. Alt, Simone Chambers, Geoffrey Garrett, Margaret Levi, and Paula D. Mcclain. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2010. .
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2010b,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Fringe Parties},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/fringe-parties/},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/fringe-parties-arzheimer.pdf},
  address = {Washington, D.C.},
  booktitle = {The Encyclopedia of Political Science},
  keywords = {voting},
  publisher = {CQ Press},
  year = 2010,
  editor = {George T. Kurian and James E. Alt and Simone Chambers and Geoffrey Garrett and Margaret Levi and Paula D. Mcclain }
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Political Efficacy.” Encyclopedia of Political Behaviour. Eds. Kaid, Lynda Lee and Christina Holtz-Bacha. London: Sage, 2008. .
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2008f,
  title = {Political Efficacy},
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/political-efficacy/},
  booktitle = {Encyclopedia of Political Behaviour},
  publisher = {Sage},
  year = 2008,
  editor = {Kaid, Lynda Lee and Holtz-Bacha, Christina},
  keywords = {attitudes-e},
  address = {London}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jürgen W. Falter. “Voter Behaviour.” Encyclopedia of Political Behaviour. Eds. Kaid, Lynda Lee and Christina Holtz-Bacha. London: Sage, 2008. .
  [BibTeX] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-falter-2008,
  title = {Voter Behaviour},
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and J{\"u}rgen W. Falter},
  booktitle = {Encyclopedia of Political Behaviour},
  publisher = {Sage},
  year = 2008,
  editor = {Kaid, Lynda Lee and Holtz-Bacha, Christina},
  keywords = {voting},
  address = {London},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/voter-behaviour/}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Das Wahlverhalten. Besonderheiten in Ostdeutschland als Modell künftiger gesamtdeutscher Entwicklungen.” Am Ziel vorbei. Die deutsche Einheit – eine Zwischenbilanz. Eds. Bahrmann, Hannes and Christoph Links. Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 2005. 60–74.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2005d,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Das Wahlverhalten. Besonderheiten in Ostdeutschland als Modell k{\"u}nftiger gesamtdeutscher Entwicklungen},
  booktitle = {Am Ziel vorbei. Die deutsche Einheit -- eine Zwischenbilanz},
  pages = {60--74},
  publisher = {Ch. Links Verlag},
  keywords = {gp-d, voting-d, east-west-d},
  year = 2005,
  editor = {Bahrmann, Hannes and Christoph Links},
  address = {Berlin}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Wahlen und Rechtsextremismus.” Extremismus in Deutschland. Erscheinungsformen und aktuelle Bestandsaufnahme. Ed. Bundesministerium des Innern. Berlin: Bundesministerium des Innern, 2004. 56-81.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2004,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  title = {Wahlen und Rechtsextremismus},
  pages = {56-81},
  editor = {{Bundesministerium des Innern}},
  publisher = {{Bundesministerium des Innern}},
  booktitle = {Extremismus in Deutschland. Erscheinungsformen und aktuelle Bestandsaufnahme},
  year = 2004,
  keywords = {rex-d, voting-d, gp-d},
  address = {Berlin},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/wahlen-und-rechtsextremismus/},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/Wahlen-und-Rechtsextremismus/Wahlen-und-Rechtsextremismus.pdf}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Elisabeth Carter. Explaining Variation in the Extreme Right Vote: The Individual and the Political Environment. Keele: Keele European Parties Research Unit, Working Paper 19, 2003.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF]

  @Book{arzheimer-carter-2003,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Carter, Elisabeth},
  year = 2003,
  title = {Explaining Variation in the Extreme Right Vote: The Individual and the Political Environment},
  address = {Keele},
  publisher = {Keele European Parties Research Unit, Working Paper 19},
  keywords = {eurorex, cp},
  url = {http://www.keele.ac.uk/media/keeleuniversity/group/kepru/KEPRU WP 19.pdf}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jürgen W. Falter. “Wahlen und Wahlforschung.” Politikwissenschaft. Ein Grundkurs. Ed. Münkler, Herfried. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 2003. 553–586.
  [BibTeX]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-falter-2003b,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer and J{\"u}rgen W. Falter},
  title = {Wahlen und Wahlforschung},
  pages = {553--586},
  publisher = {Rowohlt},
  editor = {Herfried M{\"u}nkler},
  booktitle = {Politikwissenschaft. Ein Grundkurs},
  keywords = {voting-d},
  year = 2003,
  address = {Reinbek bei Hamburg}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Stichwort PDS.” Handwörterbuch zur politischen Kultur der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Ein Lehr- und Nachschlagewerk. Eds. Greiffenhagen, Martin and Sylvia Greiffenhagen. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2002. 324–330.
  [BibTeX] [Download PDF] [HTML]

  @InCollection{arzheimer-2002b,
  author = {Kai Arzheimer},
  title = {Stichwort {PDS}},
  pages = {324--330},
  publisher = {Westdeutscher Verlag},
  editor = {Martin Greiffenhagen and Sylvia Greiffenhagen},
  booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch zur politischen Kultur der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Ein Lehr- und Nachschlagewerk},
  year = 2002,
  keywords = {voting-d, gp-d},
  html = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/paper/stichwort-pds/},
  address = {Wiesbaden},
  url = {https://www.kai-arzheimer.com/PDS/Pds.pdf}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jürgen W. Falter. “Ist der Osten wirklich rot? Das Wahlverhalten bei der Bundestagswahl 2002 in Ost-West-Perspektive.” Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 52.B49-50 (2002): 27-35.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-falter-2002,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W.},
  year = 2002,
  title = {Ist der Osten wirklich rot? Das Wahlverhalten bei der Bundestagswahl 2002 in Ost-West-Perspektive},
  pages = {27-35},
  volume = 52,
  number = {B49-50},
  keywords = {voting-d, gp-d, east-west-d},
  journal = {Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai. “Die Wahlen zur Hamburger Bürgerschaft und zum Berliner Abgeordnetenhaus 2001.” Gegenwartskunde 50 (2001): 471-481.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-2001,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai},
  year = 2001,
  title = {Die Wahlen zur Hamburger B{\"u}rgerschaft und zum Berliner Abgeordnetenhaus 2001},
  pages = {471-481},
  keywords = {gp-d,gp-state-d,voting-d},
  volume = 50,
  journal = {Gegenwartskunde}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Jürgen W. Falter. “Annäherung durch Wandel? Das Ergebnis der Bundestagswahl 1998 in Ost-West-Perspektive.” Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 48.B52 (1998): 33-43.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-falter-1998,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Falter, J{\"u}rgen W.},
  year = 1998,
  title = {Ann{\"a}herung durch Wandel? Das Ergebnis der Bundestagswahl 1998 in Ost-West-Perspektive},
  pages = {33-43},
  volume = 48,
  number = {B52},
  journal = {Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte},
  keywords = {voting-d, gp-d, east-west-d}
  }

• Arzheimer, Kai and Markus Klein. “Die Wirkung materieller Incentives auf den Rücklauf in einer schriftlichen Panelbefragung.” ZA-Info 43 (1998): 6–31.
  [BibTeX]

  @Article{arzheimer-klein-1998,
  author = {Arzheimer, Kai and Klein, Markus},
  title = {Die Wirkung materieller Incentives auf den R{\"u}cklauf in einer schriftlichen Panelbefragung},
  journal = {ZA-Info},
  year = 1998,
  keywords = {meth-d},
  number = 43,
  pages = {6--31}
  }