One feels almost sorry for the Social Democratic left: They are squeezed between the more modern Greens/Libertarians on the one hand, and the Extreme Right on the other. Here’s the preprint of a chapter I’m preparing on that topic. It should be out in late 2012
Here is the (almost) finalised program for the our section on the Radical Right in Perspective, organised under the auspices of the ECPR’s 5th General Conference (Potsdam, September 10-12), boasting about 50 papers.
- Post-Soviet Russian Nationalism: Ideology, Context, Comparison
- The ‘New Political Novel’ by Right-Wing Writers in Post-Soviet Russia
- Ethnic Conflict and Radical Right in Estonia: An Explosive Mixture?
- How far is Moscow Weimar? Similarities and Dissimilarities between Inter-War Germany and Post-Soviet Russia
- From Communist Totalitarianism to Right-wing Radicalism: The Dynamics of the Crimean Peripheral Politics and Its Impact on the Ukrainian State
- Moderating/Mediating the Extreme: The Accommodation of Xenophobic Nationalist Views on Vladimir Pozner’s Vremena Programme
- Right-wing extremism among immigrant adolescents from the FSU in Israel and Germany
- The causes for the success and failure of the radical right in Central and Eastern Europe
- Are there opportunity structures for the Radical Right? A comparative analysis of the Visegrad Group countries.
- Explaining the failure of radical right parties in Estonia
- Manoeuvring for the Right: Atypical Features of a Bulgarian Radical Right-Wing Party
- The Diffusion of Radical Right Ideology in Central-Eastern Europe: Cultural Resonance and Issue Ownership Strategies as Factors Behind Electoral Support Takeover
- The Radical Right in Bulgaria
- From Alienation of the Working Class to the Rise of the Far Right? Party Strategy and Cleavage Evolution in Post-Communist Societies
- On the Borderline Between Protest and Violence: Political Movements of the New Radical Right
- Radical Right and the Use of Political Violence: Idealist Hearths in Turkey in the 1970s.
- Extreme Right and Populism: a Frame Analysis of Extreme Right Wing Discourses in Italy and Germany
- “Armed spontaneism”: an independent revolutionary way in the Italian extreme right-wing groups
- Movement Against Illegal Immigration: analysis of the central node in the Russian extreme-right movement network
- Mobilizing Activism: A comparative analysis of the contemporary Right-Wing Extremists and Islamists in Germany
- Why There has been Little Violence among East European Radicals? Transformations of Tolerance in Post-peasant Eastern Europe
- Consequences of the surge of anti-immigration parties
- Anti-immigrant party support and newspaper coverage: a cross-national and over-time perspective
- A Populist Zeitgeist? Populist Discourse among Mainstream Political Parties in Western Europe
- The Surge of the Swiss Peoples Party: Implications at Switzerland’s Subnational Level
- Immigration policy and the populist radical right in office: The policy impact of the FPÖ/BZÖ, 2000-06
- Rhetoric or reality? Platforms and actions of anti-immigration parties
- The Radical Right in Western Europe
- A Matter of Timing? The Salience of Immigration and the Dynamics of Radical Right Electoral Success
- Old Cleavages and New Actors in the Formation of a New Cultural Divide: Why a Right-Wing Populist Party Emerged in France but not in Germany
- The Programmatic Positions of Established Parties and their Influence on Extreme Right Parties Vote Share
- The Influence of the Programs of Far Right Parties on the Electoral System
- Radical Right, Populism and the Fear of Democracy
- Explaining anti-immigrant party support in Western Europe: individual grievances, elite failure or social context?
- Comparing radical right party ideology and the voters’ profile and attitudes: a study on the Danish People’s Party, the Northern League and the Austrian Freedom Party
- Inside the Radical Right: An Internalist Perspective
- The Public Image of Leaders of Right-Wing Populist Parties: the Role of the Mass Media
- ‘This rally is a must’ – Which factors lead neo-Nazis to take part in demonstration marches?
- Right-wing extremist groups and Internet: Construction of Identity, Source of Mobilization and Organization
- “Enemy from inside” the party and … inside us? What the researcher does to the local teams of the radical right in France: return to a possible controversial relationship
- Pan-German student fraternities and the Austrian Freedom Party: A reciprocal relationship
- Party-based Euroscepticism in Western and Eastern Europe
- europeanization of euroscepticism? the significance of european parliament groups and factions for the typology and ideological classification of party-based euroscepticism
- euroscepticism of turkish political parties
- hellenes-barbarians and european civilization: a conceptual approach to the ideologies of the greek far right.
- hungary – between euroenthusiasm and euroscepticsm
- radical right euroscepticism and the theory of strategic choice
- neighbourhood effects revisited: the visualisation of immigrants and radical right-wing vote
- Presence of Migrants and Radical Right Support across Different Levels of National Institutionalisation
- Exploring the Contextual Determinants of the anti-immigrant vote: The Case of the LPF
- Explaining the extreme right resurgence in English local elections 2002-8: a spatial model of aggregate data
- Ethnic Identity of Second Generation Immigrants across German Regions
- Radical right’s neighbourhoods: considering meso level explanations for its success through a case-study at the local level
- Is Local Diversity Harmful for Social Capital? A Multilevel Research on Flemish Data
- Immigration, diversity and civic culture in Spain
- The radical right and the debate over immigration policy
- After Fortuyn: new radical right-wing populist parties in the Netherlands
- Plataforma per Catalunya: emergence, features and quest for legitimacy of a new radical right party in the Spanish autonomous region of Catalonia
- The impact of anti-immigration parties: a comparison between the Flemish VB and the Walloon FN
- The (de)politicization of immigrant integration and policy outcome in Belgium.
The program is still somewhat in flux, and any omissions are accidental.
In a recent article in the European Journal of Political Research, Kestilä and Söderlund claim (amongst other things) that in the French regional elections of 2004, turnout and district magnitude have significant negative effects on the extreme right vote whereas the effects of the number of party lists and unemployment are positive and significant. Most interestingly, immigration (which is usually a very good predictor for the radical right vote) had no effect on the success of the Front National. More generally, they argue that a subnational approach can control for a wider range of factors and provide more reliable results than cross-national analyses (now the most common approach to this phenomenon). My colleague Liz Carter and I disagreed and engaged in a massive replication/re-analysis endeavour. The outcome is a critique of the KS model of subnational political opportunity structures in regional elections. In this paper, we dispute Kestilä’s and Söderlund’s claims on theoretical, conceptual and methodological grounds and demonstrate that their findings are spurious. Today, the European Journal has accepted the article for publication (probably in 2009)
Technorati-Tags: extreme right, radical right, populist right, far right, france, opportunity structures, unemployment, immigration, district magnitude, regional elections, front national, 2004, voting
Everyone just seems to know that the voters of the Extreme Right hate foreigners in general and immigrants in particular, but robust comparative evidence for the alleged xenophobia – Radical Right vote link is scarce. Moreover, many of the published analyses are based on somewhat outdated (i.e. 1990s) data, and alternative accounts of the extreme right vote (the “unpolitical” protest hypothesis and the hypothesis that the Far Right in Western Europe attracts people with “neo-liberal” economic preferences, championed by Betz and Kitschelt in the 1990s) do exist. Just a few days ago, a journal has accepted a paper by me in which I test these three competing hypotheses using (relatively) recent data from the European Social Survey and a little Structural Equation Modelling. As it turns out, protest and neo-liberalism have no statistically significant impact on the Extreme Right vote whatsoever. Anti-immigrant sentiment, however, plays a crucial role for the Extreme Right in all countries but Italy. Its effects are moderated by party identification and general ideological preferences. Moreover, the effect of immigrant sentiment is moderate by general ideological preferences and party identification. I conclude that comparative electoral research should focus on the circumstances under which immigration is politicised. Wasn’t it blindingly obvious?
Technorati-Tags: extreme right, radical right, populist right, far right, sem, structural equation modelling, western europe, italy, immigration, comparative politics, european social survey, voting, voters